Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VI. 第十五章 基督教的传播——第六节
Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part VI.
第十五章 基督教的传播——第六节
V. But the human character, however it may be exalted or depressed by a temporary enthusiasm, will return by degrees to its proper and natural level, and will resume those passions that seem the most adapted to its present condition. The primitive Christians were dead to the business and pleasures of the world; but their love of action, which could never be entirely extinguished, soon revived, and found a new occupation in the government of the church. A separate society, which attacked the established religion of the empire, was obliged to adopt some form of internal policy, and to appoint a sufficient number of ministers, intrusted not only with the spiritual functions, but even with the temporal direction of the Christian commonwealth. The safety of that society, its honor, its aggrandizement, were productive, even in the most pious minds, of a spirit of patriotism, such as the first of the Romans had felt for the republic, and sometimes of a similar indifference, in the use of whatever means might probably conduce to so desirable an end. The ambition of raising themselves or their friends to the honors and offices of the church, was disguised by the laudable intention of devoting to the public benefit the power and consideration, which, for that purpose only, it became their duty to solicit. In the exercise of their functions, they were frequently called upon to detect the errors of heresy or the arts of faction, to oppose the designs of perfidious brethren, to stigmatize their characters with deserved infamy, and to expel them from the bosom of a society whose peace and happiness they had attempted to disturb. The ecclesiastical governors of the Christians were taught to unite the wisdom of the serpent with the innocence of the dove; but as the former was refined, so the latter was insensibly corrupted, by the habits of government. In the church as well as in the world, the persons who were placed in any public station rendered themselves considerable by their eloquence and firmness, by their knowledge of mankind, and by their dexterity in business; and while they concealed from others, and perhaps from themselves, the secret motives of their conduct, they too frequently relapsed into all the turbulent passions of active life, which were tinctured with an additional degree of bitterness and obstinacy from the infusion of spiritual zeal.
五、然而人性无论因一时的狂热而昂扬或消沉,终究会渐渐回落到本来而自然的位置,重拾那些最合乎其当下处境的种种情欲。早期基督徒对尘世的营生与逸乐本已如死灰一般;可他们那股活动进取之心从未彻底熄灭,不久便重新焕发,在教会的治理中觅得了新的用武之地。这个自成一体、又向帝国既定宗教宣战的团体,不得不确立起某种内部的治理体制,委任足够多的圣职人员,托付他们的不仅是属灵的职分,甚至还有基督徒共同体的世俗管理之权。这团体的安危、荣誉与壮大,即便在最虔诚者的心中,也会激起一种爱国之情,一如昔日罗马人对共和国的那份赤诚;而在选用足以促成此一美好目标的种种手段时,他们有时也怀着同样的漠然。他们一心想把自己或亲友抬举到教会的荣位与职守之上,这份野心却被一个冠冕堂皇的名义所遮掩:即要把权力与声望献于公众之福——也正因为如此,去谋求这权力与声望,才俨然成了他们分内的本分。在履职之际,他们时常须揭穿异端的谬妄、党争的伎俩,挫败奸诈弟兄的图谋,给其名声烙上应得的污名,并将他们逐出这团体之外——而这团体的安宁与幸福,原正是这些人所要搅乱的。人们教导基督徒的教会牧长,要兼具蛇的灵巧与鸽的驯良;然而治理的积习,既使前者日益精明,也在不知不觉间腐蚀了后者。教会之内一如尘世之上:凡居公职之人,无不凭口才与坚毅、凭对世情的谙熟与办事的干练而显赫一时;他们既瞒过旁人、或许也瞒过自己,掩藏起行事的隐秘动机,便往往重又跌入活跃生涯的种种躁动情欲之中——而这些情欲因掺进了属灵的热忱,更添了几分苦毒与顽执。
The government of the church has often been the subject, as well as the prize, of religious contention. The hostile disputants of Rome, of Paris, of Oxford, and of Geneva, have alike struggled to reduce the primitive and apostolic model 1041 to the respective standards of their own policy. The few who have pursued this inquiry with more candor and impartiality, are of opinion, 105 that the apostles declined the office of legislation, and rather chose to endure some partial scandals and divisions, than to exclude the Christians of a future age from the liberty of varying their forms of ecclesiastical government according to the changes of times and circumstances. The scheme of policy, which, under their approbation, was adopted for the use of the first century, may be discovered from the practice of Jerusalem, of Ephesus, or of Corinth. The societies which were instituted in the cities of the Roman empire were united only by the ties of faith and charity. Independence and equality formed the basis of their internal constitution. The want of discipline and human learning was supplied by the occasional assistance of the prophets, 106 who were called to that function without distinction of age, of sex, 1061 or of natural abilities, and who, as often as they felt the divine impulse, poured forth the effusions of the Spirit in the assembly of the faithful. But these extraordinary gifts were frequently abused or misapplied by the prophetic teachers. They displayed them at an improper season, presumptuously disturbed the service of the assembly, and, by their pride or mistaken zeal, they introduced, particularly into the apostolic church of Corinth, a long and melancholy train of disorders. 107 As the institution of prophets became useless, and even pernicious, their powers were withdrawn, and their office abolished. The public functions of religion were solely intrusted to the established ministers of the church, the bishops and the presbyters; two appellations which, in their first origin, appear to have distinguished the same office and the same order of persons. The name of Presbyter was expressive of their age, or rather of their gravity and wisdom. The title of Bishop denoted their inspection over the faith and manners of the Christians who were committed to their pastoral care. In proportion to the respective numbers of the faithful, a larger or smaller number of these episcopal presbyters guided each infant congregation with equal authority and with united counsels. 108
教会的治理,往往既是宗教纷争的议题,也是纷争所要争夺的彩头。罗马、巴黎、牛津与日内瓦那些势不两立的争论者,无不竭力要把原初的、使徒时代的模式1041,硬套进各自政制的标准里去。少数以较为坦诚、公允的态度探究此事的人则认为105,使徒们有意回避了立法者的角色,宁愿容忍一些局部的丑闻与分裂,也不愿剥夺后世基督徒的自由——那种因时因势而变通其教会治理形式的自由。在使徒首肯之下、供一世纪之用而采行的那套体制,可从耶路撒冷、以弗所或科林斯的实际做法中窥见。罗马帝国各城中建立的团体,仅靠信与爱的纽带联结在一起,其内部章程以独立与平等为根基。纪律与人间学问之不足,则由先知的临时相助来弥补106。这些先知蒙召担此职分,不分年龄、性别1061,也不论天资高下;每当感到神圣的感动,便在信徒的聚会中倾吐圣灵的浇灌。然而这些非凡的恩赐,却屡屡为那些行先知之职的教师所滥用或误用。他们在不当的时机炫示这些恩赐,僭妄地搅扰聚会的礼拜,又因骄矜或错置的热忱,尤其在使徒所建的科林斯教会中,招致了一长串令人痛心的乱象107。及至先知这一建制变得无用、甚而有害,他们的权能便被收回,其职分也遭废止。宗教的公共职能,从此专一托付给教会既定的圣职人员,即主教与长老——这两个称呼,究其本源,似乎所指的是同一种职分、同一等人。长老之名,表明的是他们的年岁,或更确切地说,是他们的持重与睿智;主教之衔,则意味着他们对托付于其牧养之下的基督徒,在信仰与品行上负有监督之责。这类主教长老,人数视信徒之多寡而增减,以同等的权威、协同的议事,共同引领着每一个初生的会众108。
But the most perfect equality of freedom requires the directing hand of a superior magistrate: and the order of public deliberations soon introduces the office of a president, invested at least with the authority of collecting the sentiments, and of executing the resolutions, of the assembly. A regard for the public tranquillity, which would so frequently have been interrupted by annual or by occasional elections, induced the primitive Christians to constitute an honorable and perpetual magistracy, and to choose one of the wisest and most holy among their presbyters to execute, during his life, the duties of their ecclesiastical governor. It was under these circumstances that the lofty title of Bishop began to raise itself above the humble appellation of Presbyter; and while the latter remained the most natural distinction for the members of every Christian senate, the former was appropriated to the dignity of its new president. 109 The advantages of this episcopal form of government, which appears to have been introduced before the end of the first century, 110 were so obvious, and so important for the future greatness, as well as the present peace, of Christianity, that it was adopted without delay by all the societies which were already scattered over the empire, had acquired in a very early period the sanction of antiquity, 111 and is still revered by the most powerful churches, both of the East and of the West, as a primitive and even as a divine establishment. 112 It is needless to observe, that the pious and humble presbyters, who were first dignified with the episcopal title, could not possess, and would probably have rejected, the power and pomp which now encircles the tiara of the Roman pontiff, or the mitre of a German prelate. But we may define, in a few words, the narrow limits of their original jurisdiction, which was chiefly of a spiritual, though in some instances of a temporal nature. 113 It consisted in the administration of the sacraments and discipline of the church, the superintendency of religious ceremonies, which imperceptibly increased in number and variety, the consecration of ecclesiastical ministers, to whom the bishop assigned their respective functions, the management of the public fund, and the determination of all such differences as the faithful were unwilling to expose before the tribunal of an idolatrous judge. These powers, during a short period, were exercised according to the advice of the presbyteral college, and with the consent and approbation of the assembly of Christians. The primitive bishops were considered only as the first of their equals, and the honorable servants of a free people. Whenever the episcopal chair became vacant by death, a new president was chosen among the presbyters by the suffrage of the whole congregation, every member of which supposed himself invested with a sacred and sacerdotal character. 114
然而,最完满的自由与平等,也需要一只居上位者之手来加以引导;而公共议事的秩序,很快便催生了一个主持者之职,这人至少握有汇集众议、执行会众决议的权力。年年一选或临时改选,势必频频扰乱公众的安宁;出于这一顾虑,早期基督徒便设立了一个荣耀而终身的职位,从长老中拣选一位最有智慧、最为圣洁者,终其一生履行教会治理者的职责。正是在这样的情形下,主教这一崇高的称号,开始凌驾于长老这一谦卑的名分之上;长老依旧是每一个基督徒议会成员最自然的称谓,而主教则专用以标示这位新主持者的尊荣109。这种主教制的治理形式,似乎在一世纪结束之前便已引入110,其好处如此显而易见,对基督教日后的昌盛乃至当下的安宁又如此紧要,以致早已散布于帝国各地的各团体无不即刻采纳;它在很早的时期便获得了古老传统的认可111,至今仍为东西方最有权势的教会所尊崇,视之为源自原初、甚而出于神授的建制112。不消说,那些最初获授主教头衔、虔诚而谦卑的长老,绝不可能拥有——多半还会断然拒绝——如今环绕着罗马教宗三重冠、或德意志高级教士主教冠的那份权势与堂皇。他们当初管辖之权的狭小界限,倒是三言两语便可说明:其权大抵属灵,间或也涉世俗113。这权力包括:主持教会的圣礼与惩戒、监理那些数目与花样都在悄然增多的宗教仪节、祝圣各级圣职人员并为他们分派各自的职司、掌管公共基金,以及裁断信徒不愿呈交于拜偶像的法官面前审理的一切争端。在一段短暂的时期内,这些权力的行使,都要依长老团的建议,并须经基督徒会众的同意与首肯。早期的主教只被看作同侪之首,是一群自由之民所尊奉的仆人。每逢主教之位因故去而虚悬,便由全体会众投票,从长老中另选一位主持者;会众中的每一个人,都自认领受了神圣的祭司身份114。
Such was the mild and equal constitution by which the Christians were governed more than a hundred years after the death of the apostles. Every society formed within itself a separate and independent republic; and although the most distant of these little states maintained a mutual as well as friendly intercourse of letters and deputations, the Christian world was not yet connected by any supreme authority or legislative assembly. As the numbers of the faithful were gradually multiplied, they discovered the advantages that might result from a closer union of their interest and designs. Towards the end of the second century, the churches of Greece and Asia adopted the useful institutions of provincial synods, 1141 and they may justly be supposed to have borrowed the model of a representative council from the celebrated examples of their own country, the Amphictyons, the Achæan league, or the assemblies of the Ionian cities. It was soon established as a custom and as a law, that the bishops of the independent churches should meet in the capital of the province at the stated periods of spring and autumn. Their deliberations were assisted by the advice of a few distinguished presbyters, and moderated by the presence of a listening multitude. 115 Their decrees, which were styled Canons, regulated every important controversy of faith and discipline; and it was natural to believe that a liberal effusion of the Holy Spirit would be poured on the united assembly of the delegates of the Christian people. The institution of synods was so well suited to private ambition, and to public interest, that in the space of a few years it was received throughout the whole empire. A regular correspondence was established between the provincial councils, which mutually communicated and approved their respective proceedings; and the catholic church soon assumed the form, and acquired the strength, of a great fœderative republic. 116
使徒辞世之后一百多年间,基督徒所受的治理,正是这样一套温和而平等的体制。每个团体自成一个独立的共和国;这些小邦当中,即便相隔最远者,也彼此维系着书信往还、互派使节的友好交往,然而基督教世界尚未由任何最高权威或立法会议连成一体。随着信徒人数渐渐增多,他们发觉,若把彼此的利益与谋划更紧密地联合起来,将大有裨益。及至二世纪将尽,希腊与亚细亚的各教会采行了教省主教会议这一有用的建制1141;人们尽可合理地推想,他们是从本国那些著名的先例——近邻同盟、亚该亚同盟,或伊奥尼亚诸城的议会——借来了代议会议的模式。不久便立为惯例、定为规矩:各独立教会的主教,须于每年春秋两季的固定时节,齐集于教省首府。他们议事时,有几位德高望重的长老从旁襄助建言,又有一群静听的信众在场,使议论有所节制115。他们的决议称为“教规”,凡信仰与惩戒上的重大争议,皆由其裁定;而人们也自然而然地相信,圣灵会慷慨地浇灌在基督子民代表齐聚的这一会众之上。主教会议这一建制,既极合乎个人的野心,又极合乎公众的利益,因此不过数年之间便通行于整个帝国。各教省会议之间建立起定期的通信联络,彼此通报并认可各自的决议;大公教会遂很快具备了一个庞大联邦式共和国的形态,也获得了那样的力量116。
As the legislative authority of the particular churches was insensibly superseded by the use of councils, the bishops obtained by their alliance a much larger share of executive and arbitrary power; and as soon as they were connected by a sense of their common interest, they were enabled to attack, with united vigor, the original rights of their clergy and people. The prelates of the third century imperceptibly changed the language of exhortation into that of command, scattered the seeds of future usurpations, and supplied, by scripture allegories and declamatory rhetoric, their deficiency of force and of reason. They exalted the unity and power of the church, as it was represented in the episcopal office, of which every bishop enjoyed an equal and undivided portion. 117 Princes and magistrates, it was often repeated, might boast an earthly claim to a transitory dominion; it was the episcopal authority alone which was derived from the Deity, and extended itself over this and over another world. The bishops were the vicegerents of Christ, the successors of the apostles, and the mystic substitutes of the high priest of the Mosaic law. Their exclusive privilege of conferring the sacerdotal character invaded the freedom both of clerical and of popular elections; and if, in the administration of the church, they still consulted the judgment of the presbyters, or the inclination of the people, they most carefully inculcated the merit of such a voluntary condescension. The bishops acknowledged the supreme authority which resided in the assembly of their brethren; but in the government of his peculiar diocese, each of them exacted from his flock the same implicit obedience as if that favorite metaphor had been literally just, and as if the shepherd had been of a more exalted nature than that of his sheep. 118 This obedience, however, was not imposed without some efforts on one side, and some resistance on the other. The democratical part of the constitution was, in many places, very warmly supported by the zealous or interested opposition of the inferior clergy. But their patriotism received the ignominious epithets of faction and schism; and the episcopal cause was indebted for its rapid progress to the labors of many active prelates, who, like Cyprian of Carthage, could reconcile the arts of the most ambitious statesman with the Christian virtues which seem adapted to the character of a saint and martyr. 119
随着个别教会的立法权,因会议之施行而在不知不觉间被取代,主教们借着彼此结盟,攫得了大得多的行政权与专断之权;而一旦以共同利益之感彼此联结,他们便得以合力去侵夺本属其教士与信众的固有权利。三世纪的高级教士,悄然把劝勉的口吻换成了发号施令的口吻,播下了日后僭权的种子,又以经文的譬喻与滔滔的辞令,来填补自己在实力与理据上的不足。他们极力抬高教会的统一与权柄,而这统一与权柄,正体现于主教一职之中——每一位主教都均等而完整地分得其一份117。他们反复申说:君王与官长纵可夸耀其对尘世短暂统治的世俗权柄,唯有主教的权柄源自上帝,且遍及今世与来世。主教乃是基督的代治者、使徒的继承者,也是摩西律法中大祭司的奥秘替身。授予圣职这一专属特权,使他们得以侵夺教士与信众推选的自由;而在治理教会时,他们即便仍征询长老的裁断、体察信众的意向,也必竭力宣扬这种主动屈尊之举何等可贵。主教们承认,最高权威系于其众弟兄同聚的会议;然而在治理各自专属的教区时,每一位主教都向自己的‘羊群’索取同样绝对的服从,仿佛这个人人爱用的比喻当真确切无误,仿佛牧人的本性真比其羊群更为高贵118。不过,这种服从的强加,一方并非全不费力,另一方也并非全无抵抗。在许多地方,教会体制中那民主的部分,都得到下层教士出于热忱或私利的激烈拥护。可他们的这份忠诚,却被冠以“结党”与“分裂”的耻辱之名;主教一方之所以进展神速,实有赖于许多精力充沛的高级教士的奔走效力——他们如同迦太基的西普里安,能把最工于心计的政客手腕,与那些看似最合乎圣徒、殉道者身份的基督徒德行调和于一身119。
The same causes which at first had destroyed the equality of the presbyters introduced among the bishops a preeminence of rank, and from thence a superiority of jurisdiction. As often as in the spring and autumn they met in provincial synod, the difference of personal merit and reputation was very sensibly felt among the members of the assembly, and the multitude was governed by the wisdom and eloquence of the few. But the order of public proceedings required a more regular and less invidious distinction; the office of perpetual presidents in the councils of each province was conferred on the bishops of the principal city; and these aspiring prelates, who soon acquired the lofty titles of Metropolitans and Primates, secretly prepared themselves to usurp over their episcopal brethren the same authority which the bishops had so lately assumed above the college of presbyters. 120 Nor was it long before an emulation of preeminence and power prevailed among the Metropolitans themselves, each of them affecting to display, in the most pompous terms, the temporal honors and advantages of the city over which he presided; the numbers and opulence of the Christians who were subject to their pastoral care; the saints and martyrs who had arisen among them; and the purity with which they preserved the tradition of the faith, as it had been transmitted through a series of orthodox bishops from the apostle or the apostolic disciple, to whom the foundation of their church was ascribed. 121 From every cause, either of a civil or of an ecclesiastical nature, it was easy to foresee that Rome must enjoy the respect, and would soon claim the obedience, of the provinces. The society of the faithful bore a just proportion to the capital of the empire; and the Roman church was the greatest, the most numerous, and, in regard to the West, the most ancient of all the Christian establishments, many of which had received their religion from the pious labors of her missionaries. Instead of one apostolic founder, the utmost boast of Antioch, of Ephesus, or of Corinth, the banks of the Tyber were supposed to have been honored with the preaching and martyrdom of the two most eminent among the apostles; 122 and the bishops of Rome very prudently claimed the inheritance of whatsoever prerogatives were attributed either to the person or to the office of St. Peter. 123 The bishops of Italy and of the provinces were disposed to allow them a primacy of order and association (such was their very accurate expression) in the Christian aristocracy. 124 But the power of a monarch was rejected with abhorrence, and the aspiring genius of Rome experienced from the nations of Asia and Africa a more vigorous resistance to her spiritual, than she had formerly done to her temporal, dominion. The patriotic Cyprian, who ruled with the most absolute sway the church of Carthage and the provincial synods, opposed with resolution and success the ambition of the Roman pontiff, artfully connected his own cause with that of the eastern bishops, and, like Hannibal, sought out new allies in the heart of Asia. 125 If this Punic war was carried on without any effusion of blood, it was owing much less to the moderation than to the weakness of the contending prelates. Invectives and excommunications were their only weapons; and these, during the progress of the whole controversy, they hurled against each other with equal fury and devotion. The hard necessity of censuring either a pope, or a saint and martyr, distresses the modern Catholics whenever they are obliged to relate the particulars of a dispute in which the champions of religion indulged such passions as seem much more adapted to the senate or to the camp. 126
当初摧毁长老间平等的那些缘由,同样在主教之间造成了品级上的尊卑,并由此带来管辖权上的高下。每逢春秋两季齐聚教省会议,与会者个人德望与声誉的差异便格外分明,众人往往为少数人的睿智与口才所左右。然而公共议事的秩序,要求一种更有定规、也更少招致嫉恨的区分;于是各教省会议中常任主持者之职,便归了首府城市的主教;这些心怀抱负的高级教士,不久便攫得“都主教”与“首席主教”的崇高衔号,暗地里筹划着,要在众主教弟兄之上僭取同样的权柄——恰如主教们不久前在长老团之上所僭取的那样120。不多时,都主教彼此之间也兴起了争夺尊位与权势的攀比:人人都极尽夸饰之能事,来炫示自己所主持城市的世俗荣光与优势;受其牧养的基督徒何等众多、何等富庶;本地出过多少圣徒与殉道者;以及他们何等纯正地守护着信仰的传承——这传承据说是经一系列正统主教之手,从那位被奉为本教会奠基者的使徒、或使徒门徒一脉相传下来的121。无论从世俗还是教会的角度着眼,都不难预见:罗马必将赢得各行省的敬重,且不久便要索取它们的顺服。信徒团体的规模,与帝国京城正相称;在一切基督教建制之中,罗马教会最为宏大、人数最多,就西方而言又最为古老——西方许多教会的信仰,本就得自罗马传教士的虔诚耕耘。安条克、以弗所或科林斯至多只能夸称有一位使徒作为奠基者,台伯河畔却据说得享殊荣:使徒中最卓著的两位曾在此传道殉难122;于是罗马诸主教极为审慎地宣称,凡归于圣彼得其人或其职的一切特权,皆由自己承袭123。意大利与各行省的主教,倒也乐意在基督教这一贵族政体之中,承认他们享有“位序与联结上的首席之位”(这正是他们极为精当的措辞)124。然而君主式的权力却遭到众人厌恶而拒绝;罗马那勃勃的雄心,从亚细亚与阿非利加诸邦那里,对其属灵统治所遭遇的抵抗,竟比昔日对其世俗统治所遭遇的更为顽强。心系本土的西普里安,以最专断的威权统辖着迦太基教会与各教省会议,他坚决而成功地抵制了罗马教宗的野心,又巧妙地把自己的立场与东方主教们的立场联结起来,一如汉尼拔,远赴亚细亚腹地去寻觅新的盟友125。这一场“布匿战争”虽未流一滴血,与其说是因交战的高级教士生性温和,不如说是因他们实力孱弱。谩骂与逐出教门,便是他们仅有的兵器;在整场争端之中,双方以同等的狂怒与虔敬,将这些兵器相互投掷。近代天主教徒每逢不得不细述这场争端的原委,总不免为难:谴责一位教宗固然为难,谴责一位圣徒兼殉道者亦然——毕竟这两位护教斗士当日所纵情的种种激愤,看来倒更适合出现在元老院或军营里126。
The progress of the ecclesiastical authority gave birth to the memorable distinction of the laity and of the clergy, which had been unknown to the Greeks and Romans. 127 The former of these appellations comprehended the body of the Christian people; the latter, according to the signification of the word, was appropriated to the chosen portion that had been set apart for the service of religion; a celebrated order of men, which has furnished the most important, though not always the most edifying, subjects for modern history. Their mutual hostilities sometimes disturbed the peace of the infant church, but their zeal and activity were united in the common cause, and the love of power, which (under the most artful disguises) could insinuate itself into the breasts of bishops and martyrs, animated them to increase the number of their subjects, and to enlarge the limits of the Christian empire. They were destitute of any temporal force, and they were for a long time discouraged and oppressed, rather than assisted, by the civil magistrate; but they had acquired, and they employed within their own society, the two most efficacious instruments of government, rewards and punishments; the former derived from the pious liberality, the latter from the devout apprehensions, of the faithful.
教会权威的膨胀,催生了平信徒与教士之间那一意味深长的区分——这在希腊人与罗马人那里是闻所未闻的127。前一个称谓,涵盖了基督徒的整个群体;后一个,按其字义,则专指那一群蒙拣选、被分别出来专事宗教的人;这是一个赫赫有名的阶层,为近代史提供了最重要、却未必总是最能启迪人心的题材。他们彼此间的争斗,有时也搅扰初生教会的安宁;然而在共同的事业上,他们的热忱与干劲又是齐心一致的。对权力的贪爱,能以最巧妙的伪装潜入主教与殉道者的胸怀,也正是它,激励着这些人去增添归附者的数目,去开拓基督教国度的疆界。他们手中并无任何世俗武力,长久以来,世俗官长非但不施援手,反倒对他们百般压制阻挠;然而在自己的团体之内,他们却已握有并施展着两样最有效的统治利器——赏与罚:前者取自信徒虔诚的慷慨解囊,后者则取自信徒虔敬的畏惧之心。
Notes 注释
1041
The aristocratical party in France, as well as in England, has strenuously maintained the divine origin of bishops. But the Calvinistical presbyters were impatient of a superior; and the Roman Pontiff refused to acknowledge an equal. See Fra Paolo.
在法国一如在英国,贵族党人都极力主张主教制源自神授。但加尔文派的长老们不能容忍有人凌驾其上,罗马教宗则不肯承认有人与己平起平坐。参见 Fra Paolo。
105
In the history of the Christian hierarchy, I have, for the most part, followed the learned and candid Mosheim.
在基督教教阶制度的历史方面,我大体上依从了博学而公允的莫斯海姆。
106
For the prophets of the primitive church, see Mosheim, Dissertationes ad Hist. Eccles. pertinentes, tom. ii. p. 132—208.
论早期教会的先知,见 Mosheim, Dissertationes ad Hist. Eccles. pertinentes, tom. ii. p. 132—208。
1061
St. Paul distinctly reproves the intrusion of females into the prophets office. 1 Cor. xiv. 34, 35. 1 Tim. ii. 11.—M.
圣保罗明白责备妇女擅入先知之职。《哥林多前书》14:34、35;《提摩太前书》2:11。—M
107
See the epistles of St. Paul, and of Clemens, to the Corinthians. * Note: The first ministers established in the church were the deacons, appointed at Jerusalem, seven in number; they were charged with the distribution of the alms; even females had a share in this employment. After the deacons came the elders or priests, charged with the maintenance of order and decorum in the community, and to act every where in its name. The bishops were afterwards charged to watch over the faith and the instruction of the disciples: the apostles themselves appointed several bishops. Tertullian, (adv. Marium, c. v.,) Clement of Alexandria, and many fathers of the second and third century, do not permit us to doubt this fact. The equality of rank between these different functionaries did not prevent their functions being, even in their origin, distinct; they became subsequently still more so. See Plank, Geschichte der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung., vol. i. p. 24.—G. On this extremely obscure subject, which has been so much perplexed by passion and interest, it is impossible to justify any opinion without entering into long and controversial details.——It must be admitted, in opposition to Plank, that in the New Testament, several words are sometimes indiscriminately used. (Acts xx. v. 17, comp. with 28 Tit. i. 5 and 7. Philip. i. 1.) But it is as clear, that as soon as we can discern the form of church government, at a period closely bordering upon, if not within, the apostolic age, it appears with a bishop at the head of each community, holding some superiority over the presbyters. Whether he was, as Gibbon from Mosheim supposes, merely an elective head of the College of Presbyters, (for this we have, in fact, no valid authority,) or whether his distinct functions were established on apostolic authority, is still contested. The universal submission to this episcopacy, in every part of the Christian world appears to me strongly to favor the latter view.—M.
参看圣保罗与克莱门斯致科林斯人的书信。* 编者按:教会最初设立的圣职人员是执事,于耶路撒冷委任,共七人;他们受命分发赈济,甚至妇女也参与其事。执事之后是长老(或称司铎),受命维持团体内部的秩序与体统,并在各处以团体的名义行事。此后又设主教,受命看守门徒的信仰与教导;使徒们亲自任命过若干主教。德尔图良(adv. Marium, c. v.)、亚历山大里亚的克莱门特,以及二、三世纪的许多教父,都使我们对此深信不疑。这几种职分虽品级相等,却不妨其职能自始便有分别;日后区分得更为分明。见 Plank, Geschichte der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung., vol. i. p. 24。—G。这一题目极其晦暗,又被种种意气与私利搅得纷乱不堪,凡欲论定其是非,不深入冗长而聚讼纷纭的细节便无从措手。——须得承认,与普朗克相反,《新约》中有几个词有时是不加区分地混用的(《使徒行传》20:17,与28节参看;《提多书》1:5、7;《腓立比书》1:1)。但同样清楚的是:一旦我们能辨认出教会治理的形态——那是在紧邻使徒时代、乃至就在使徒时代之内的时期——每个团体的首领便都是一位主教,位在众长老之上。至于他究竟只是长老团的一位民选首领(正如吉本承莫斯海姆之说所设想的那样,其实我们对此并无确凿依据),抑或其独特职能本就凭使徒的权威而确立,至今仍有争议。在我看来,基督教世界各处对这种主教制的普遍服从,有力地支持了后一种看法。—M
108
Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Polity, l. vii.
Hooker’s Ecclesiastical Polity, l. vii.
109
See Jerome and Titum, c. i. and Epistol. 85, (in the Benedictine edition, 101,) and the elaborate apology of Blondel, pro sententia Hieronymi. The ancient state, as it is described by Jerome, of the bishop and presbyters of Alexandria, receives a remarkable confirmation from the patriarch Eutychius, (Annal. tom. i. p. 330, Vers Pocock;) whose testimony I know not how to reject, in spite of all the objections of the learned Pearson in his Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part i. c. 11.
见哲罗姆《致提多书注》(ad Titum, c. i.)及《书信集》第85封(本笃会版为第101封),并见 Blondel 为哲罗姆之说所作的详尽辩护(pro sententia Hieronymi)。哲罗姆所描述的亚历山大里亚主教与长老的古时情形,从牧首欧提基乌斯(Annal. tom. i. p. 330, Vers Pocock)那里得到了显著的印证;尽管博学的皮尔逊在其《伊格纳修辩护》(Vindiciæ Ignatianæ, part i. c. 11)中多方反驳,我仍不知如何能否定欧提基乌斯的这一见证。
110
See the introduction to the Apocalypse. Bishops, under the name of angels, were already instituted in the seven cities of Asia. And yet the epistle of Clemens (which is probably of as ancient a date) does not lead us to discover any traces of episcopacy either at Corinth or Rome.
见《启示录》的引言部分。在亚细亚的七座城中,主教已以‘天使’之名设立。然而克莱门斯的书信(其成书年代大概同样古老)却未能让我们在科林斯或罗马发现主教制的任何踪迹。
111
Nulla Ecclesia sine Episcopo, has been a fact as well as a maxim since the time of Tertullian and Irenæus.
自德尔图良与爱任纽的时代以来,‘没有教会不设主教’(Nulla Ecclesia sine Episcopo)既是一句格言,也是一桩事实。
112
After we have passed the difficulties of the first century, we find the episcopal government universally established, till it was interrupted by the republican genius of the Swiss and German reformers.
越过一世纪的种种疑难之后,我们便见主教制的治理已普遍确立,直到瑞士与德意志宗教改革者的共和精神将它打断。
113
See Mosheim in the first and second centuries. Ignatius (ad Smyrnæos, c. 3, &c.) is fond of exalting the episcopal dignity. Le Clerc (Hist. Eccles. p. 569) very bluntly censures his conduct, Mosheim, with a more critical judgment, (p. 161,) suspects the purity even of the smaller epistles.
见莫斯海姆论一、二世纪部分。伊格纳修(ad Smyrnæos, c. 3 等处)好抬高主教的尊荣。勒克莱尔(Hist. Eccles. p. 569)直言不讳地责难他这种做法;莫斯海姆的判断则更为审慎(p. 161),他甚至怀疑那几封较短书信的真确。
114
Nonne et Laici sacerdotes sumus? Tertullian, Exhort. ad Castitat. c. 7. As the human heart is still the same, several of the observations which Mr. Hume has made on Enthusiasm, (Essays, vol. i. p. 76, quarto edit.) may be applied even to real inspiration. * Note: This expression was employed by the earlier Christian writers in the sense used by St. Peter, 1 Ep ii. 9. It was the sanctity and virtue not the power of priesthood, in which all Christians were to be equally distinguished.—M.
‘我们平信徒不也都是祭司吗?’(Nonne et Laici sacerdotes sumus?)见德尔图良 Exhort. ad Castitat. c. 7。人心古今如一,故休谟先生论‘狂热’的若干见解(Essays, vol. i. p. 76, quarto edit.),甚至可用于真正的默感。* 编者按:早期基督徒作家沿用此语,取的是圣彼得所用之义(《彼得前书》2:9)。全体基督徒当同样出众之处,在于祭司职分的圣洁与德行,而非其权柄。—M
1141
The synods were not the first means taken by the insulated churches to enter into communion and to assume a corporate character. The dioceses were first formed by the union of several country churches with a church in a city: many churches in one city uniting among themselves, or joining a more considerable church, became metropolitan. The dioceses were not formed before the beginning of the second century: before that time the Christians had not established sufficient churches in the country to stand in need of that union. It is towards the middle of the same century that we discover the first traces of the metropolitan constitution. (Probably the country churches were founded in general by missionaries from those in the city, and would preserve a natural connection with the parent church.)—M. ——The provincial synods did not commence till towards the middle of the third century, and were not the first synods. History gives us distinct notions of the synods, held towards the end of the second century, at Ephesus at Jerusalem, at Pontus, and at Rome, to put an end to the disputes which had arisen between the Latin and Asiatic churches about the celebration of Easter. But these synods were not subject to any regular form or periodical return; this regularity was first established with the provincial synods, which were formed by a union of the bishops of a district, subject to a metropolitan. Plank, p. 90. Geschichte der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung—G
各自孤立的教会为进入共融、取得团体性质,最先所采用的手段并非主教会议。教区最先是由若干乡村教会与城中一所教会联合而成的;一城之内若干教会彼此联合,或归附于一所更有分量的教会,便形成了都主教区。教区的形成不早于二世纪初:在此之前,基督徒在乡间尚未建立起足够多的教会,还不需要这样的联合。也正是在同一世纪之中叶,我们才发现都主教制的最初痕迹。(乡村教会大概多半是由城中教会派出的传教士所创立,会与母会保持一种天然的联系。)—M。——教省主教会议直到三世纪中叶才出现,且并非最早的会议。史籍让我们对二世纪末所召开的诸会议有清晰的认识:那些会议分别在以弗所、耶路撒冷、本都与罗马举行,为的是了结拉丁教会与亚细亚教会之间围绕复活节庆期而起的争端。但这些会议并无固定的形式,也不定期召开;这种定期的规制,最先是随教省主教会议而确立的——后者由一个辖区内各主教联合组成,从属于一位都主教。Plank, p. 90. Geschichte der Christ. Kirch. Verfassung—G
115
Acta Concil. Carthag. apud Cyprian. edit. Fell, p. 158. This council was composed of eighty-seven bishops from the provinces of Mauritania, Numidia, and Africa; some presbyters and deacons assisted at the assembly; præsente plebis maxima parte.
Acta Concil. Carthag. apud Cyprian. edit. Fell, p. 158。这次会议由来自毛里塔尼亚、努米底亚与阿非利加各行省的八十七位主教组成;若干长老与执事也列席协助;præsente plebis maxima parte(有大批平信徒在场)。
116
Aguntur præterea per Græcias illas, certis in locis concilia, &c Tertullian de Jejuniis, c. 13. The African mentions it as a recent and foreign institution. The coalition of the Christian churches is very ably explained by Mosheim, p. 164 170.
Aguntur præterea per Græcias illas, certis in locis concilia, &c.(此外,在希腊那些地方的某些定点也召开会议,等等)见德尔图良 de Jejuniis, c. 13。这位阿非利加人提到它时,视之为一项晚近的、外来的建制。基督教各教会的联合,莫斯海姆(p. 164—170)解说得极为精当。
117
Cyprian, in his admired treatise De Unitate Ecclesiæ. p. 75—86
西普里安,见其广受推崇的论著 De Unitate Ecclesiæ(《论教会的合一》),p. 75—86。
118
We may appeal to the whole tenor of Cyprian’s conduct, of his doctrine, and of his epistles. Le Clerc, in a short life of Cyprian, (Bibliotheque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 207—378,) has laid him open with great freedom and accuracy.
我们尽可诉诸西普里安一贯的行事、其教义与其书信。勒克莱尔在一篇简短的西普里安传中(Bibliotheque Universelle, tom. xii. p. 207—378),以极大的坦率与精确把他剖示无遗。
119
If Novatus, Felicissimus, &c., whom the Bishop of Carthage expelled from his church, and from Africa, were not the most detestable monsters of wickedness, the zeal of Cyprian must occasionally have prevailed over his veracity. For a very just account of these obscure quarrels, see Mosheim, p. 497—512.
诺瓦图斯、费利基西穆斯等人被迦太基主教逐出其教会、逐出阿非利加;倘若这些人并非最可憎的邪恶魔头,那么西普里安的热忱想必有时是压过了他的诚实。关于这些晦暗争执的极公允的记述,见莫斯海姆,p. 497—512。
120
Mosheim, p. 269, 574. Dupin, Antiquæ Eccles. Disciplin. p. 19, 20.
Mosheim, p. 269, 574. Dupin, Antiquæ Eccles. Disciplin. p. 19, 20.
121
Tertullian, in a distinct treatise, has pleaded against the heretics the right of prescription, as it was held by the apostolic churches.
德尔图良在一篇专论中,援引使徒诸教会所主张的‘时效权’,用以驳斥异端。
122
The journey of St. Peter to Rome is mentioned by most of the ancients, (see Eusebius, ii. 25,) maintained by all the Catholics, allowed by some Protestants, (see Pearson and Dodwell de Success. Episcop. Roman,) but has been vigorously attacked by Spanheim, (Miscellanes Sacra, iii. 3.) According to Father Hardouin, the monks of the thirteenth century, who composed the Æneid, represented St. Peter under the allegorical character of the Trojan hero. * Note: It is quite clear that, strictly speaking, the church of Rome was not founded by either of these apostles. St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans proves undeniably the flourishing state of the church before his visit to the city; and many Roman Catholic writers have given up the impracticable task of reconciling with chronology any visit of St. Peter to Rome before the end of the reign of Claudius, or the beginning of that of Nero.—M.
圣彼得赴罗马之行,大多数古人都有提及(见 Eusebius, ii. 25),一切天主教徒都坚信不疑,有些新教徒也予以承认(见 Pearson 及 Dodwell, de Success. Episcop. Roman.),但斯潘海姆对此大加抨击(Miscellanea Sacra, iii. 3)。据阿尔杜安神父说,十三世纪编撰《埃涅阿斯纪》的僧侣,曾以特洛伊英雄这一寓言形象来影射圣彼得。* 编者按:严格说来,罗马教会显然并非由这两位使徒中的任何一位所创立。圣保罗《罗马书》无可辩驳地证明,早在他造访罗马之前,该教会便已兴盛;许多罗马天主教作家已经放弃了那件根本办不到的差事——即在编年上把圣彼得的任何一次罗马之行,安排在克劳狄乌斯朝末年或尼禄朝初年之前。—M
123
It is in French only that the famous allusion to St. Peter’s name is exact. Tu es Pierre, et sur cette pierre.—The same is imperfect in Greek, Latin, Italian, &c., and totally unintelligible in our Tentonic languages. * Note: It is exact in Syro-Chaldaic, the language in which it was spoken by Jesus Christ. (St. Matt. xvi. 17.) Peter was called Cephas; and cepha signifies base, foundation, rock—G.
唯有在法语中,那句关于圣彼得之名的著名双关才丝丝入扣:Tu es Pierre, et sur cette pierre(你是彼得〔石〕,我要把教会建在这石上)。——在希腊语、拉丁语、意大利语等语言中,这一双关便不甚工整,在我们的条顿诸语言中更是全然费解。* 编者按:在叙利亚-迦勒底语中,这双关是丝丝入扣的——耶稣基督正是用这种语言说出此话的(《马太福音》16:17)。彼得被称为‘矶法’,而‘矶法’意为根基、地基、磐石。—G
124
Irenæus adv. Hæreses, iii. 3. Tertullian de Præscription. c. 36, and Cyprian, Epistol. 27, 55, 71, 75. Le Clere (Hist. Eccles. p. 764) and Mosheim (p. 258, 578) labor in the interpretation of these passages. But the loose and rhetorical style of the fathers often appears favorable to the pretensions of Rome.
Irenæus adv. Hæreses, iii. 3。Tertullian de Præscription. c. 36;并见 Cyprian, Epistol. 27, 55, 71, 75。勒克莱尔(Hist. Eccles. p. 764)与莫斯海姆(p. 258, 578)都费力去诠释这些段落。但教父们那种松散而夸饰的文风,往往显得有利于罗马的种种非分之求。
125
See the sharp epistle from Firmilianus, bishop of Cæsarea, to Stephen, bishop of Rome, ap. Cyprian, Epistol. 75.
见凯撒里亚主教菲尔米利安努斯致罗马主教斯蒂芬的那封措辞尖刻的书信,ap. Cyprian, Epistol. 75。
126
Concerning this dispute of the rebaptism of heretics, see the epistles of Cyprian, and the seventh book of Eusebius.
关于这场为异端重新施洗的争论,见西普里安的书信集,及优西比乌著作的第七卷。
127
For the origin of these words, see Mosheim, p. 141. Spanheim, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 633. The distinction of Clerus and Iaicus was established before the time of Tertullian.
关于这两个词的由来,见 Mosheim, p. 141;Spanheim, Hist. Ecclesiast. p. 633。Clerus(教士)与 Laicus(平信徒)之别,早在德尔图良的时代之前便已确立。