Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part V. 第十五章 基督教的传播——第五节

Chapter XV: Progress Of The Christian Religion.—Part V.

第十五章 基督教的传播——第五节

IV. But the primitive Christian demonstrated his faith by his virtues; and it was very justly supposed that the divine persuasion, which enlightened or subdued the understanding, must, at the same time, purify the heart, and direct the actions, of the believer. The first apologists of Christianity who justify the innocence of their brethren, and the writers of a later period who celebrate the sanctity of their ancestors, display, in the most lively colors, the reformation of manners which was introduced into the world by the preaching of the gospel. As it is my intention to remark only such human causes as were permitted to second the influence of revelation, I shall slightly mention two motives which might naturally render the lives of the primitive Christians much purer and more austere than those of their Pagan contemporaries, or their degenerate successors; repentance for their past sins, and the laudable desire of supporting the reputation of the society in which they were engaged. 83
四、然而,早期基督徒是以德行来印证信仰的;人们有充分理由相信,那使人的理智或豁然开朗、或俯首折服的神圣信念,必然同时也净化了信徒的心灵、规束了信徒的行为。最早为基督教辩护的护教士,极力申明其教友之清白无辜;稍后一代的作家,则盛赞其先辈之圣洁:二者都以最鲜明生动的笔墨,铺陈了福音的传扬为世间带来的风俗更新。我在此只拟论及那些获准从旁襄助启示之力的世俗因由,故仅略提两端动机——它们本可自然而然地使早期基督徒的生活,远较同时代的异教徒、也远较其后世堕落的子孙更为纯洁、更为严苛:其一,是为往日的罪愆痛加悔改;其二,是有意维护自身所投身团体的声誉,此愿亦颇可嘉许。83
It is a very ancient reproach, suggested by the ignorance or the malice of infidelity, that the Christians allured into their party the most atrocious criminals, who, as soon as they were touched by a sense of remorse, were easily persuaded to wash away, in the water of baptism, the guilt of their past conduct, for which the temples of the gods refused to grant them any expiation. But this reproach, when it is cleared from misrepresentation, contributes as much to the honor as it did to the increase of the church. The friends of Christianity may acknowledge without a blush that many of the most eminent saints had been before their baptism the most abandoned sinners. Those persons, who in the world had followed, though in an imperfect manner, the dictates of benevolence and propriety, derived such a calm satisfaction from the opinion of their own rectitude, as rendered them much less susceptible of the sudden emotions of shame, of grief, and of terror, which have given birth to so many wonderful conversions. After the example of their divine Master, the missionaries of the gospel disdained not the society of men, and especially of women, oppressed by the consciousness, and very often by the effects, of their vices. As they emerged from sin and superstition to the glorious hope of immortality, they resolved to devote themselves to a life, not only of virtue, but of penitence. The desire of perfection became the ruling passion of their soul; and it is well known that, while reason embraces a cold mediocrity, our passions hurry us, with rapid violence, over the space which lies between the most opposite extremes. 83b
这是一种由来已久的指摘,出于不信者的无知或恶意,说基督徒专把最穷凶极恶的罪犯招揽入伙:这些人一旦良心稍动、生出悔意,便轻易被劝服,在洗礼之水中将往日的罪孽洗涤干净——而这类罪孽,诸神的庙宇本是拒绝为之赎解的。然而这一指摘,一旦剥去其歪曲失实之处,便可见它既壮大了教会的人数,也同样增添了教会的荣光。基督教的友人尽可坦然承认、无须脸红:许多最负盛名的圣徒,在受洗之前原是最堕落无行的罪人。那些在俗世中虽未尽完善、却大体循着仁爱与礼义行事的人,因自认品行端方而心安理得,这份从容的自足反倒使他们不易生出那种突如其来的羞愧、悲痛与惊惧——而正是这类情感,催生了无数令人称奇的皈依。福音的传道者效法其神圣的师尊,不以结交世人为耻——那些因自知有罪、且往往备受恶果煎熬之人,尤其是女子,他们照样不加嫌弃。这些人既已脱出罪恶与迷信,迎向永生的荣耀盼望,便决意献身于这样一种生活:不惟以德自持,更以悔罪苦修为务。追求完善遂成为他们灵魂中主宰一切的激情;而众所周知:理性所秉持的不过是冷淡的中庸,激情却裹挟着我们,以迅猛之势一举越过两个截然相反之极端间的全部距离。83b
When the new converts had been enrolled in the number of the faithful, and were admitted to the sacraments of the church, they found themselves restrained from relapsing into their past disorders by another consideration of a less spiritual, but of a very innocent and respectable nature. Any particular society that has departed from the great body of the nation, or the religion to which it belonged, immediately becomes the object of universal as well as invidious observation. In proportion to the smallness of its numbers, the character of the society may be affected by the virtues and vices of the persons who compose it; and every member is engaged to watch with the most vigilant attention over his own behavior, and over that of his brethren, since, as he must expect to incur a part of the common disgrace, he may hope to enjoy a share of the common reputation. When the Christians of Bithynia were brought before the tribunal of the younger Pliny, they assured the proconsul, that, far from being engaged in any unlawful conspiracy, they were bound by a solemn obligation to abstain from the commission of those crimes which disturb the private or public peace of society, from theft, robbery, adultery, perjury, and fraud. 84 841 Near a century afterwards, Tertullian, with an honest pride, could boast, that very few Christians had suffered by the hand of the executioner, except on account of their religion. 85 Their serious and sequestered life, averse to the gay luxury of the age, inured them to chastity, temperance, economy, and all the sober and domestic virtues. As the greater number were of some trade or profession, it was incumbent on them, by the strictest integrity and the fairest dealing, to remove the suspicions which the profane are too apt to conceive against the appearances of sanctity. The contempt of the world exercised them in the habits of humility, meekness, and patience. The more they were persecuted, the more closely they adhered to each other. Their mutual charity and unsuspecting confidence has been remarked by infidels, and was too often abused by perfidious friends. 86
新皈依者一经列入信徒之列、获准领受教会的圣礼,便发现另有一重顾虑约束着自己,使其不致重蹈昔日的放荡:这重顾虑虽不那么关乎属灵,却也无可厚非、颇为体面。凡是脱离本民族或本宗教之主体的团体,立时便会招来众目睽睽、且不无嫉恨的注视。团体人数越少,其成员的德行或劣迹便越足以左右整个团体的声名;因此,人人都不得不以最警醒的目光,既省察自己的举止,也留意教友的举止——既然共同的耻辱他必分担一份,共同的荣誉他自也可望分享一份。比提尼亚的基督徒被押到小普林尼的法庭受审时,向这位总督申明:他们非但绝无从事任何非法密谋,反而立有庄严的誓约,戒绝一切扰乱社会公私安宁的罪行——诸如偷窃、抢劫、通奸、伪证与欺诈。84 841 将近一个世纪之后,德尔图良得以怀着正当的自豪夸言:除因信仰之故外,遭刽子手处死的基督徒实在寥寥无几。85 他们生活严肃而离群索居,厌弃当世的浮华逸乐,久而久之便习于贞洁、节制、俭朴,以及种种质朴的居家美德。他们大多操持某种手艺或行当,因而更须以最严格的诚信与最公道的交易,来消除世俗之人对貌似圣洁者动辄心生的猜疑。既受世人轻蔑,反倒借此磨砺出谦卑、温良与忍耐的习性。他们越是遭受迫害,彼此便抱得越紧。他们之间那种彼此相爱、毫不设防的信任,连不信者也曾加以留意,却也每每为背信之友所辜负。86
It is a very honorable circumstance for the morals of the primitive Christians, that even their faults, or rather errors, were derived from an excess of virtue. The bishops and doctors of the church, whose evidence attests, and whose authority might influence, the professions, the principles, and even the practice of their contemporaries, had studied the Scriptures with less skill than devotion; and they often received, in the most literal sense, those rigid precepts of Christ and the apostles, to which the prudence of succeeding commentators has applied a looser and more figurative mode of interpretation. Ambitious to exalt the perfection of the gospel above the wisdom of philosophy, the zealous fathers have carried the duties of self-mortification, of purity, and of patience, to a height which it is scarcely possible to attain, and much less to preserve, in our present state of weakness and corruption. A doctrine so extraordinary and so sublime must inevitably command the veneration of the people; but it was ill calculated to obtain the suffrage of those worldly philosophers who, in the conduct of this transitory life, consult only the feelings of nature and the interest of society. 87
有一点极能为早期基督徒的德操增光:他们即便有过失——毋宁说是失误——也是源于德行之过甚。教会的主教与神学导师——他们的见证既可为同时代人的信仰宣认、原则乃至实践作证,其权威亦足以左右这一切——研读圣经时虔诚有余而工夫不足;对于基督与使徒那些严苛的诫命,他们往往照最字面的意思领受,而后世注释家出于审慎,则代之以较为宽松、较重寓意的解法。那些热忱的教父,一心要把福音之圆满高举于哲学的智慧之上,遂将克己苦身、守洁与忍耐诸般本分抬到了这样一种高度:以我们如今软弱堕落之身,几乎无从企及,遑论持守。如此非凡而崇高的教义,势必赢得民众的崇敬;然而它却难以博得那班世俗哲人的赞同——这些人在经营此生短暂的岁月时,所征询的只是自然的情感与社会的利益。87
There are two very natural propensities which we may distinguish in the most virtuous and liberal dispositions, the love of pleasure and the love of action. If the former is refined by art and learning, improved by the charms of social intercourse, and corrected by a just regard to economy, to health, and to reputation, it is productive of the greatest part of the happiness of private life. The love of action is a principle of a much stronger and more doubtful nature. It often leads to anger, to ambition, and to revenge; but when it is guided by the sense of propriety and benevolence, it becomes the parent of every virtue, and if those virtues are accompanied with equal abilities, a family, a state, or an empire may be indebted for their safety and prosperity to the undaunted courage of a single man. To the love of pleasure we may therefore ascribe most of the agreeable, to the love of action we may attribute most of the useful and respectable, qualifications. The character in which both the one and the other should be united and harmonized would seem to constitute the most perfect idea of human nature. The insensible and inactive disposition, which should be supposed alike destitute of both, would be rejected, by the common consent of mankind, as utterly incapable of procuring any happiness to the individual, or any public benefit to the world. But it was not in this world that the primitive Christians were desirous of making themselves either agreeable or useful. 871
即便在最有德、最豁达的心性之中,我们也能辨出两种极为自然的倾向:一是好逸乐,二是好作为。前者若经艺文陶冶而趋于雅致,因社交之乐而益增其趣,又能顾及俭省、健康与名誉而加以节制,那么,私人生活中的幸福大半便由它而生。好作为则是一种远为强烈、也远为可疑的禀性。它往往通向愤怒、野心与复仇;然而一旦以礼义与仁爱为其引导,它便成为一切德行之母;倘若这些德行又辅以相称的才干,那么一个家庭、一个邦国乃至一个帝国的安危兴衰,都可能有赖于一人无所畏惧的勇气。由是观之,人身上大多讨人喜欢的品质,可归之于好逸乐;而大多有用可敬的品质,则可归之于好作为。若有一种品格能将二者融为一体、调和无间,那似乎便构成了人性最完美的典型。反之,一种麻木而怠惰、两者俱缺的性情,则必为世人所共弃,因它既不能为个人谋得半分幸福,也不能为世间带来丝毫公益。然而,早期基督徒所急欲使自己显得可喜或有用的,偏偏不在这个尘世。871
The acquisition of knowledge, the exercise of our reason or fancy, and the cheerful flow of unguarded conversation, may employ the leisure of a liberal mind. Such amusements, however, were rejected with abhorrence, or admitted with the utmost caution, by the severity of the fathers, who despised all knowledge that was not useful to salvation, and who considered all levity of discours as a criminal abuse of the gift of speech. In our present state of existence the body is so inseparably connected with the soul, that it seems to be our interest to taste, with innocence and moderation, the enjoyments of which that faithful companion is susceptible. Very different was the reasoning of our devout predecessors; vainly aspiring to imitate the perfection of angels, they disdained, or they affected to disdain, every earthly and corporeal delight. 88 Some of our senses indeed are necessary for our preservation, others for our subsistence, and others again for our information; and thus far it was impossible to reject the use of them. The first sensation of pleasure was marked as the first moment of their abuse. The unfeeling candidate for heaven was instructed, not only to resist the grosser allurements of the taste or smell, but even to shut his ears against the profane harmony of sounds, and to view with indifference the most finished productions of human art. Gay apparel, magnificent houses, and elegant furniture, were supposed to unite the double guilt of pride and of sensuality; a simple and mortified appearance was more suitable to the Christian who was certain of his sins and doubtful of his salvation. In their censures of luxury the fathers are extremely minute and circumstantial; 89 and among the various articles which excite their pious indignation we may enumerate false hair, garments of any color except white, instruments of music, vases of gold or silver, downy pillows, (as Jacob reposed his head on a stone,) white bread, foreign wines, public salutations, the use of warm baths, and the practice of shaving the beard, which, according to the expression of Tertullian, is a lie against our own faces, and an impious attempt to improve the works of the Creator. 90 When Christianity was introduced among the rich and the polite, the observation of these singular laws was left, as it would be at present, to the few who were ambitious of superior sanctity. But it is always easy, as well as agreeable, for the inferior ranks of mankind to claim a merit from the contempt of that pomp and pleasure which fortune has placed beyond their reach. The virtue of the primitive Christians, like that of the first Romans, was very frequently guarded by poverty and ignorance.
求取知识、运用理智或想象,以及无所拘束、畅快淋漓的交谈——凡此种种,本可充实一个豁达之人的闲暇。然而,如此消遣,严厉的教父若非深恶痛绝、一概摒弃,便是万分谨慎、勉强容许;因为他们鄙视一切无助于灵魂得救的知识,并把言谈间的任何轻佻,都视作对言语这一天赋恩赐的一种罪过般的滥用。我们如今既然活在这样一种状态里,肉体与灵魂密不可分,那么以无邪而有节的方式,去品味这位忠实伴侣所能领受的种种欢愉,似乎正合乎我们自身的利益。我们那些虔敬的前辈,思路却大不相同:他们妄想效法天使的圆满,遂对尘世肉身的一切欢愉不屑一顾——或者说,装作不屑一顾。88 诚然,我们的感官,有的关乎保命,有的关乎生计,有的关乎见闻;就这一层而言,其功用是无从摒弃的。然而,快感初萌的那一刻,便被判定为滥用感官的开端。这类一心求登天国、槁木死灰般的信徒,所受的教导是:不但要抵御味觉、嗅觉之类较为粗鄙的诱惑,更要塞住双耳、不听那世俗悦耳的乐声,并以冷漠的目光看待人类技艺最精妙的杰作。华丽的衣饰、宏伟的宅第、雅致的家具,都被认为兼犯骄傲与纵欲两重罪愆;对一个笃信自身有罪、却又未敢确信能否得救的基督徒来说,一副朴素而克苦的外表才更为相宜。教父们谴责奢华时,其条目之琐细、之详尽,令人咋舌;89 在种种触动他们虔诚义愤的事物中,我们不妨列举如下:假发、白色以外任何颜色的衣物、乐器、金银器皿、松软的枕头(因为雅各当年是枕石而眠的)、白面包、外国美酒、当众行礼致意、洗热水澡,以及刮胡子的习惯——照德尔图良的说法,刮须乃是当着自己的脸撒谎,是一种不敬神明的妄举,妄图去改良造物主的作品。90 待到基督教传入富有而文雅的阶层,遵行这些奇特戒律的事,便一如今日,只留给少数一心追求超凡圣德的人去做了。不过,对处于下层的人而言,鄙弃那些命运本就置于其能力所及之外的浮华与逸乐、并借此自诩清高,历来既省力又惬意。早期基督徒的德行,一如早期罗马人的德行,往往是靠贫穷与蒙昧来守护的。
The chaste severity of the fathers, in whatever related to the commerce of the two sexes, flowed from the same principle; their abhorrence of every enjoyment which might gratify the sensual, and degrade the spiritual nature of man. It was their favorite opinion, that if Adam had preserved his obedience to the Creator, he would have lived forever in a state of virgin purity, and that some harmless mode of vegetation might have peopled paradise with a race of innocent and immortal beings. 91 The use of marriage was permitted only to his fallen posterity, as a necessary expedient to continue the human species, and as a restraint, however imperfect, on the natural licentiousness of desire. The hesitation of the orthodox casuists on this interesting subject, betrays the perplexity of men, unwilling to approve an institution which they were compelled to tolerate. 92 The enumeration of the very whimsical laws, which they most circumstantially imposed on the marriage-bed, would force a smile from the young and a blush from the fair. It was their unanimous sentiment that a first marriage was adequate to all the purposes of nature and of society. The sensual connection was refined into a resemblance of the mystic union of Christ with his church, and was pronounced to be indissoluble either by divorce or by death. The practice of second nuptials was branded with the name of a legal adultery; and the persons who were guilty of so scandalous an offence against Christian purity, were soon excluded from the honors, and even from the alms, of the church. 93 Since desire was imputed as a crime, and marriage was tolerated as a defect, it was consistent with the same principles to consider a state of celibacy as the nearest approach to the divine perfection. It was with the utmost difficulty that ancient Rome could support the institution of six vestals; 94 but the primitive church was filled with a number of persons of either sex, who had devoted themselves to the profession of perpetual chastity. 95 A few of these, among whom we may reckon the learned Origen, judged it the most prudent to disarm the tempter. 96 Some were insensible and some were invincible against the assaults of the flesh. Disdaining an ignominious flight, the virgins of the warm climate of Africa encountered the enemy in the closest engagement; they permitted priests and deacons to share their bed, and gloried amidst the flames in their unsullied purity. But insulted Nature sometimes vindicated her rights, and this new species of martyrdom served only to introduce a new scandal into the church. 97 Among the Christian ascetics, however, (a name which they soon acquired from their painful exercise,) many, as they were less presumptuous, were probably more successful. The loss of sensual pleasure was supplied and compensated by spiritual pride. Even the multitude of Pagans were inclined to estimate the merit of the sacrifice by its apparent difficulty; and it was in the praise of these chaste spouses of Christ that the fathers have poured forth the troubled stream of their eloquence. 98 Such are the early traces of monastic principles and institutions, which, in a subsequent age, have counterbalanced all the temporal advantages of Christianity. 99
教父们凡涉及两性交往之事,其守贞的严峻,也出于同一原则:他们厌恶一切足以满足人之肉欲、贬损人之灵性的享乐。他们最中意的一种见解是:倘若亚当当初一直顺服造物主,便会永远活在童贞的纯洁之中;而某种无害的滋生方式,本可使乐园里遍布一族天真而不朽的生灵。91 至于婚姻,只准许他堕落之后的子孙享用,无非作为延续人类的必要权宜之计,并作为对情欲天然放纵的一种约束——尽管这约束并不周全。正统派决疑家在这一耐人寻味的题目上支吾其词,恰暴露出这样一种窘境:他们被迫容忍婚姻这一制度,却又不甘予以认可。92 他们煞费苦心地为夫妻之榻定下种种异想天开的规条,若一一列举出来,只怕会惹得年轻人发笑、令闺秀们脸红。他们异口同声地认为:初婚一次,便足以满足自然与社会的一切需要。肉体的结合被拔高、比附为基督与其教会之间那种神秘的结合,并被宣告为既不可因离异、也不可因死亡而解除。再婚的做法被烙上“合法通奸”之名;凡犯下这般有伤基督教贞洁之丑行的人,很快便被剥夺了教会的荣誉,甚至连教会的赈济也不得沾。93 既然情欲被归为罪过,婚姻被当作缺陷而勉强容忍,那么依同一原则推下去,把独身之境看作最接近神圣圆满的状态,也就顺理成章了。古罗马要维持区区六名维斯塔贞女的建制,尚且备极艰难;94 而早期教会中,却挤满了男男女女,个个立志终身守贞。95 这些人中有少数——博学的奥利金也可算在其内——认为最稳妥之策,莫过于干脆解除那诱惑者的武装。96 面对肉体的进攻,有的人麻木无觉,有的人则坚不可摧。非洲炎热之地的贞女们不屑于可耻地临阵脱逃,偏要与敌短兵相接、贴身鏖战:她们容许长老与执事同榻共寝,身处欲火之中,仍以自己贞洁无瑕而自傲。然而遭到冒犯的天性,有时也会伸张其固有的权利,于是这种新式的殉道,到头来只不过给教会平添了一桩新的丑闻。97 不过,在基督教的苦修者当中——这一名号,很快便由他们那苦行般的修炼得来——许多人由于不那么自负,成效大概也就更好些。肉体享乐的丧失,由属灵的骄傲来填补和抵偿。甚至连异教徒中的芸芸众生,也倾向于按牺牲表面上的难度来衡量其功德;而正是在颂扬这些基督贞洁的新妇时,教父们倾泻出那滔滔不绝、却也浑浊不清的雄辩之流。98 以上便是修道的原则与制度早期的种种痕迹;到了后世,正是这套修道之制,把基督教在现世所带来的一切好处,抵消得一干二净。99
The Christians were not less averse to the business than to the pleasures of this world. The defence of our persons and property they knew not how to reconcile with the patient doctrine which enjoined an unlimited forgiveness of past injuries, and commanded them to invite the repetition of fresh insults. Their simplicity was offended by the use of oaths, by the pomp of magistracy, and by the active contention of public life; nor could their humane ignorance be convinced that it was lawful on any occasion to shed the blood of our fellow-creatures, either by the sword of justice, or by that of war; even though their criminal or hostile attempts should threaten the peace and safety of the whole community. 100 It was acknowledged that, under a less perfect law, the powers of the Jewish constitution had been exercised, with the approbation of heaven, by inspired prophets and by anointed kings. The Christians felt and confessed that such institutions might be necessary for the present system of the world, and they cheerfully submitted to the authority of their Pagan governors. But while they inculcated the maxims of passive obedience, they refused to take any active part in the civil administration or the military defence of the empire. Some indulgence might, perhaps, be allowed to those persons who, before their conversion, were already engaged in such violent and sanguinary occupations; 101a but it was impossible that the Christians, without renouncing a more sacred duty, could assume the character of soldiers, of magistrates, or of princes. 102b This indolent, or even criminal disregard to the public welfare, exposed them to the contempt and reproaches of the Pagans, who very frequently asked, what must be the fate of the empire, attacked on every side by the barbarians, if all mankind should adopt the pusillanimous sentiments of the new sect. 103 To this insulting question the Christian apologists returned obscure and ambiguous answers, as they were unwilling to reveal the secret cause of their security; the expectation that, before the conversion of mankind was accomplished, war, government, the Roman empire, and the world itself, would be no more. It may be observed, that, in this instance likewise, the situation of the first Christians coincided very happily with their religious scruples, and that their aversion to an active life contributed rather to excuse them from the service, than to exclude them from the honors, of the state and army.
基督徒对此世的营务,与对此世的逸乐一样避之唯恐不及。保卫自身与财产,他们不知如何与那忍让的教义相调和——这教义命人对昔日的伤害无限宽宥,还要人主动招来新一轮的凌辱。宣誓、官府的排场、公共生活中的你争我斗,都令他们那份质朴大为不安;而他们那出于仁厚的蒙昧,也无论如何不肯相信:在任何场合,凭正义之剑也好、凭战争之剑也罢,去流同类的血竟会是正当的——哪怕那些人以罪行或敌意相加,已然危及整个社会的安宁与存亡。100 他们也承认:在一套尚欠完善的律法之下,犹太政制的种种权柄,曾由蒙受感召的先知与受膏的君王行使,且得到了上天的嘉许。基督徒既感到、也坦承:就眼下这一世界秩序而言,此类制度或许仍属必需;因而他们心甘情愿地服从异教官长的权柄。然而,他们一面谆谆宣讲消极顺从的信条,一面却拒绝在帝国的民政治理或军事防务中扮演任何积极的角色。对那些在皈依之前便已从事这类暴力而血腥行当的人,或许还可略予通融;101a 但一个基督徒若不背弃更为神圣的天职,便断无可能去充当兵士、官吏或君王。102b 这种对公共福祉的漠视——说是懒惰也好,甚而说是罪过也罢——招来了异教徒的鄙夷与责难;他们动辄发问:倘若举世之人都接受这个新教派那套怯懦的主张,那么四面受蛮族攻击的帝国,其命运又当如何?103 面对这一带侮辱性的质问,基督教的护教士给出的回答含糊而闪烁,因为他们不愿吐露自己之所以安之若素的隐秘缘由:他们指望着,在全人类尚未尽数归信之前,战争、政府、罗马帝国乃至这世界本身,都将不复存在。不妨指出:在这件事上同样可见,最初那批基督徒的处境,与他们宗教上的顾忌恰好凑得严丝合缝;他们对积极入世的厌弃,与其说使他们被摒于国家与军队的荣誉之外,不如说正好为他们免去了这份差役。

Notes 注释

83
These, in the opinion of the editor, are the most uncandid paragraphs in Gibbon’s History. He ought either, with manly courage, to have denied the moral reformation introduced by Christianity, or fairly to have investigated all its motives; not to have confined himself to an insidious and sarcastic description of the less pure and generous elements of the Christian character as it appeared even at that early time.—M.
编者以为,这几段是吉本全书中最不坦诚的文字。他要么应当拿出堂堂正正的勇气,径直否认基督教带来的道德革新;要么应当公允地探究其一切动因。他却偏偏两者都不为,而仅仅囿于一种阴险而讥诮的笔调,专挑基督徒品性中——哪怕在那样早的年代——较不纯粹、较不宽厚的成分来大加描摹。——M
83b
The imputations of Celsus and Julian, with the defence of the fathers, are very fairly stated by Spanheim, Commentaire sur les Cesars de Julian, p. 468.
塞尔苏斯与尤利安的种种指控,连同教父们的辩护,斯潘海姆在其 Commentaire sur les Cesars de Julian(p. 468)中叙述得十分公允。
84
Plin. Epist. x. 97. * Note: Is not the sense of Tertullian rather, if guilty of any other offence, he had thereby ceased to be a Christian?—M.
Plin. Epist. x. 97。* 编者按:德尔图良的意思,是否毋宁是说:他若犯有任何别种罪行,便已因此不再是基督徒?——M
841
And this blamelessness was fully admitted by the candid and enlightened Roman.—M.
而这一清白无瑕之处,那位坦率而开明的罗马人也是完全承认的。——M
85
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 44. He adds, however, with some degree of hesitation, “Aut si aliud, jam non Christianus.” * Note: Tertullian says positively no Christian, nemo illic Christianus; for the rest, the limitation which he himself subjoins, and which Gibbon quotes in the foregoing note, diminishes the force of this assertion, and appears to prove that at least he knew none such.—G.
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 44。不过他又略带迟疑地补上一句:“Aut si aliud, jam non Christianus.”(意即:若另犯别罪,便已不再是基督徒。)* 编者按:德尔图良说得斩钉截铁——nemo illic Christianus(那里没有一个是基督徒);至于其余,他本人随后附加、亦即吉本于前一注中所引的那句限定之语,削弱了此断言的分量,看来恰足以证明:他至少不曾见过这样的人。——G
86
The philosopher Peregrinus (of whose life and death Lucian has left us so entertaining an account) imposed, for a long time, on the credulous simplicity of the Christians of Asia.
哲人佩雷格里努斯(关于其生平与死状,琉善为我们留下了一篇极为有趣的记述)曾长期蒙骗亚细亚一带基督徒那种轻信而单纯的心。
87
See a very judicious treatise of Barbeyrac sur la Morale des Peres.
参见巴尔贝拉克论教父道德的一篇极为精当的论著(sur la Morale des Peres)。
871
El que me fait cette homelie semi-stoicienne, semi-epicurienne? t’on jamais regarde l’amour du plaisir comme l’un des principes de la perfection morale? Et de quel droit faites vous de l’amour de l’action, et de l’amour du plaisir, les seuls elemens de l’etre humain? Est ce que vous faites abstraction de la verite en elle-meme, de la conscience et du sentiment du devoir? Est ce que vous ne sentez point, par exemple, que le sacrifice du moi a la justice et a la verite, est aussi dans le coeur de l’homme: que tout n’est pas pour lui action ou plaisir, et que dans le bien ce n’est pas le mouvement, mais la verite, qu’il cherche? Et puis Thucy dide et Tacite. ces maitres de l’histoire, ont ils jamais introduits dans leur recits un fragment de dissertation sur le plaisir et sur l’action. Villemain Cours de Lit. Franc part ii. Lecon v.—M.
El que me fait cette homelie semi-stoicienne, semi-epicurienne? t’on jamais regarde l’amour du plaisir comme l’un des principes de la perfection morale? Et de quel droit faites vous de l’amour de l’action, et de l’amour du plaisir, les seuls elemens de l’etre humain? Est ce que vous faites abstraction de la verite en elle-meme, de la conscience et du sentiment du devoir? Est ce que vous ne sentez point, par exemple, que le sacrifice du moi a la justice et a la verite, est aussi dans le coeur de l’homme: que tout n’est pas pour lui action ou plaisir, et que dans le bien ce n’est pas le mouvement, mais la verite, qu’il cherche? Et puis Thucydide et Tacite. ces maitres de l’histoire, ont ils jamais introduits dans leur recits un fragment de dissertation sur le plaisir et sur l’action. Villemain Cours de Lit. Franc part ii. Lecon v.—M.(维尔曼借此驳斥吉本:他质问吉本凭何将好逸乐与好作为当作人性仅有的两大要素,而全然撇开真理自身、良知与义务之感;并反问修昔底德、塔西佗这等史学巨擘,何曾在叙事中插入过一段议论逸乐与作为的文字。)
88
Lactant. Institut. Divin. l. vi. c. 20, 21, 22.
Lactant. Institut. Divin. l. vi. c. 20, 21, 22.
89
Consult a work of Clemens of Alexandria, entitled The Pædagogue, which contains the rudiments of ethics, as they were taught in the most celebrated of the Christian schools.
可参阅亚历山大里亚的克莱门特一部题为《导师》(The Pædagogue)的著作,其中载有当时最负盛名的基督教学校所教授的伦理学入门。
90
Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 23. Clemens Alexandrin. Pædagog. l. iii. c. 8.
Tertullian, de Spectaculis, c. 23. Clemens Alexandrin. Pædagog. l. iii. c. 8.
91
Beausobro, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. vii. c. 3. Justin, Gregory of Nyssa, Augustin, &c., strongly incline to this opinion. Note: But these were Gnostic or Manichean opinions. Beausobre distinctly describes Autustine’s bias to his recent escape from Manicheism; and adds that he afterwards changed his views.—M.
Beausobro, Hist. Critique du Manicheisme, l. vii. c. 3。查士丁、尼撒的格列高利、奥古斯丁等人都强烈倾向于这一看法。编者按:然而这些原是诺斯替派或摩尼教的观点。博索布尔明确指出,奥古斯丁的这一偏向,缘于他新近才脱离摩尼教;并补充说,他后来改变了看法。——M
92
Some of the Gnostic heretics were more consistent; they rejected the use of marriage.
某些诺斯替派异端倒还更为前后一致:他们干脆摒弃婚姻。
93
See a chain of tradition, from Justin Martyr to Jerome, in the Morale des Peres, c. iv. 6—26.
从殉道者查士丁直到哲罗姆,这一脉相承的传统,可参见 Morale des Peres, c. iv. 6—26。
94
See a very curious Dissertation on the Vestals, in the Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. iv. p. 161—227. Notwithstanding the honors and rewards which were bestowed on those virgins, it was difficult to procure a sufficient number; nor could the dread of the most horrible death always restrain their incontinence.
关于维斯塔贞女,有一篇极有意思的专论,见 Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. iv. p. 161—227。尽管朝廷对这些贞女赐以种种荣誉与奖赏,招足人数仍属不易;而即便以最惨烈的死刑相威慑,也未必总能约束住她们的失贞。
95
Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam scimus aut nullam. Minutius Fælix, c. 31. Justin. Apolog. Major. Athenagoras in Legat. c 28. Tertullian de Cultu Foemin. l. ii.
“Cupiditatem procreandi aut unam scimus aut nullam.”(生育之欲,我们要么只有一回,要么全然没有。)Minutius Fælix, c. 31. Justin. Apolog. Major. Athenagoras in Legat. c 28. Tertullian de Cultu Foemin. l. ii.
96
Eusebius, l. vi. 8. Before the fame of Origen had excited envy and persecution, this extraordinary action was rather admired than censured. As it was his general practice to allegorize Scripture, it seems unfortunate that in this instance only, he should have adopted the literal sense.
Eusebius, l. vi. 8。在奥利金的名声尚未招致嫉恨与迫害之前,这一非常之举与其说受到指责,不如说博得了赞赏。既然他一贯的做法是把圣经作寓意解读,那么惟独在此事上偏偏取了字面之意,未免有些不巧。
97
Cyprian. Epist. 4, and Dodwell, Dissertat. Cyprianic. iii. Something like this rash attempt was long afterwards imputed to the founder of the order of Fontevrault. Bayle has amused himself and his readers on that very delicate subject.
Cyprian. Epist. 4,以及 Dodwell, Dissertat. Cyprianic. iii。类似这般孟浪之举,很久以后也被归到丰特夫罗修会的创立者头上。培尔就这个极其微妙的话题,着实自娱亦娱人了一番。
98
Dupin (Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 195) gives a particular account of the dialogue of the ten virgins, as it was composed by Methodius, Bishop of Tyre. The praises of virginity are excessive.
迪潘(Bibliotheque Ecclesiastique, tom. i. p. 195)详细记述了提尔主教美多迪乌斯所撰的《十贞女对话》。其中对童贞的颂扬,可谓过甚其辞。
99
The Ascetics (as early as the second century) made a public profession of mortifying their bodies, and of abstaining from the use of flesh and wine. Mosheim, p. 310.
早在二世纪,苦修者们便公开声明要苦待己身、戒绝肉食与酒。Mosheim, p. 310。
100
See the Morale des Peres. The same patient principles have been revived since the Reformation by the Socinians, the modern Anabaptists, and the Quakers. Barclay, the Apologist of the Quakers, has protected his brethren by the authority of the primitive Christian; p. 542-549
参见 Morale des Peres。同样的忍让原则,自宗教改革以来又由索齐尼派、近代再洗礼派与贵格会重新拾起。贵格会的护教者巴克莱,便援引早期基督徒的权威来为其教友辩护;p. 542-549。
101a
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 21. De Idololatria, c. 17, 18. Origen contra Celsum, l. v. p. 253, l. vii. p. 348, l. viii. p. 423-428.
Tertullian, Apolog. c. 21. De Idololatria, c. 17, 18. Origen contra Celsum, l. v. p. 253, l. vii. p. 348, l. viii. p. 423-428.
102b
Tertullian (de Corona Militis, c. 11) suggested to them the expedient of deserting; a counsel which, if it had been generally known, was not very proper to conciliate the favor of the emperors towards the Christian sect. * Note: There is nothing which ought to astonish us in the refusal of the primitive Christians to take part in public affairs; it was the natural consequence of the contrariety of their principles to the customs, laws, and active life of the Pagan world. As Christians, they could not enter into the senate, which, according to Gibbon himself, always assembled in a temple or consecrated place, and where each senator, before he took his seat, made a libation of a few drops of wine, and burnt incense on the altar; as Christians, they could not assist at festivals and banquets, which always terminated with libations, &c.; finally, as “the innumerable deities and rites of polytheism were closely interwoven with every circumstance of public and private life,” the Christians could not participate in them without incurring, according to their principles, the guilt of impiety. It was then much less by an effect of their doctrine, than by the consequence of their situation, that they stood aloof from public business. Whenever this situation offered no impediment, they showed as much activity as the Pagans. Proinde, says Justin Martyr, (Apol. c. 17,) nos solum Deum adoramus, et vobis in rebus aliis læti inservimus.—G. ——-This latter passage, M. Guizot quotes in Latin; if he had consulted the original, he would have found it to be altogether irrelevant: it merely relates to the payment of taxes.—M. — —Tertullian does not suggest to the soldiers the expedient of deserting; he says that they ought to be constantly on their guard to do nothing during their service contrary to the law of God, and to resolve to suffer martyrdom rather than submit to a base compliance, or openly to renounce the service. (De Cor. Mil. ii. p. 127.) He does not positively decide that the military service is not permitted to Christians; he ends, indeed, by saying, Puta denique licere militiam usque ad causam coronæ.—G. ——M. Guizot is. I think, again unfortunate in his defence of Tertullian. That father says, that many Christian soldiers had deserted, aut deserendum statim sit, ut a multis actum. The latter sentence, Puta, &c, &c., is a concession for the sake of argument: wha follows is more to the purpose.—M. Many other passages of Tertullian prove that the army was full of Christians, Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa. (Apol. c. 37.) Navigamus et not vobiscum et militamus. (c. 42.) Origen, in truth, appears to have maintained a more rigid opinion, (Cont. Cels. l. viii.;) but he has often renounced this exaggerated severity, perhaps necessary to produce great results, and he speaks of the profession of arms as an honorable one. (l. iv. c. 218.)— G. ——On these points Christian opinion, it should seem, was much divided Tertullian, when he wrote the De Cor. Mil., was evidently inclining to more ascetic opinions, and Origen was of the same class. See Neander, vol. l part ii. p. 305, edit. 1828.—M.
Tertullian(de Corona Militis, c. 11)曾向他们建议以开小差为脱身之计;这一主张倘若广为人知,对于博取诸位皇帝对基督教派的好感,实在不大相宜。* 编者按:早期基督徒拒绝参与公共事务,本无任何可令我们诧异之处;这不过是其原则与异教世界的习俗、法律及入世生活相抵触的自然结果。身为基督徒,他们无法进入元老院——据吉本本人所言,元老院向来在神庙或圣所内集会,每位元老就座之前,都要奠上几滴酒、在祭坛上焚香;身为基督徒,他们也无法出席各种节庆宴饮,因为这类场合总以奠酒之类收场;最后,既然“多神崇拜那无数的神祇与仪式,与公私生活的每一情节都紧密交织”,基督徒若参与其中,按其原则便难免沾上不敬神明之罪。因此,他们之所以置身于公共事务之外,与其说是其教义使然,不如说是其处境所致。凡遇处境并无妨碍之时,他们表现得与异教徒一样积极。殉道者查士丁有言(Apol. c. 17):Proinde, nos solum Deum adoramus, et vobis in rebus aliis læti inservimus.(故此,我们只敬拜独一的上帝,而在其余诸事上乐于为你们效劳。)——G ——后面这段话,基佐先生是用拉丁文引的;他若查一查原文,便会发现它其实全然离题:那不过是讲纳税之事罢了。——M ——德尔图良并未向士兵建议开小差之计;他说的是,士兵在服役期间应时刻警醒,切勿做出任何有违上帝律法之事,并应下定决心宁可殉道,也不屈从于卑劣的妥协、或公然弃役。(De Cor. Mil. ii. p. 127.)他并未断然裁定基督徒不得从军;他末了甚至还说:Puta denique licere militiam usque ad causam coronæ.(姑且承认从军是可以的,直到牵涉戴冠一事为止。)——G ——依我看,基佐先生为德尔图良所作的辩护,又一次不甚得当。这位教父明明说过,许多基督徒士兵已经开了小差——aut deserendum statim sit, ut a multis actum(要么就当立即弃役,正如许多人所为)。至于后面那句 Puta 云云,不过是为论辩起见而作的让步;紧随其后的话才更切中要害。——M ——德尔图良另有许多段落足以证明军中满是基督徒:Hesterni sumus et vestra omnia implevimus, urbes, insulas, castella, municipia, conciliabula, castra ipsa.(我们不过是昨日之人,却已遍布你们的一切处所——城市、海岛、堡垒、市镇、集会所,乃至军营本身。)(Apol. c. 37.)Navigamus et nos vobiscum et militamus.(我们与你们一同航海,也一同当兵。)(c. 42.)说实话,奥利金似乎持一种更为严苛的见解(Cont. Cels. l. viii.);但他也屡屡放弃这种夸张的严厉——那种严厉,为成就大业或许是必要的——并称从军为一桩光荣的行当。(l. iv. c. 218.)——G ——在这些问题上,基督徒的意见看来大有分歧。德尔图良撰写 De Cor. Mil. 之时,显然正倾向于较为苦修的观点,奥利金亦属同一路数。参见 Neander, vol. l part ii. p. 305, edit. 1828。——M
103
As well as we can judge from the mutilated representation of Origen, (1. viii. p. 423,) his adversary, Celsus, had urged his objection with great force and candor.
就我们凭奥利金那残缺不全的转述(l. viii. p. 423)所能推断的而言,他的论敌塞尔苏斯,当年提出这一异议时,可谓既有力又坦诚。