Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III. 第一章 安敦尼诸帝时代罗马帝国的疆域——第三节
Chapter I: The Extent Of The Empire In The Age Of The Antonines.—Part III.
第一章 安敦尼诸帝时代罗马帝国的疆域——第三节
The camp of a Roman legion presented the appearance of a fortified city. 60 As soon as the space was marked out, the pioneers carefully levelled the ground, and removed every impediment that might interrupt its perfect regularity. Its form was an exact quadrangle; and we may calculate, that a square of about seven hundred yards was sufficient for the encampment of twenty thousand Romans; though a similar number of our own troops would expose to the enemy a front of more than treble that extent. In the midst of the camp, the prætorium, or general’s quarters, rose above the others; the cavalry, the infantry, and the auxiliaries occupied their respective stations; the streets were broad and perfectly straight, and a vacant space of two hundred feet was left on all sides between the tents and the rampart. The rampart itself was usually twelve feet high, armed with a line of strong and intricate palisades, and defended by a ditch of twelve feet in depth as well as in breadth. This important labor was performed by the hands of the legionaries themselves; to whom the use of the spade and the pickaxe was no less familiar than that of the sword or pilum. Active valor may often be the present of nature; but such patient diligence can be the fruit only of habit and discipline. 61
罗马军团的营地，俨然一座设防的城池。60 营区一经划定，工兵便仔细平整地面，凡有碍营盘方正齐整的障碍，一概清除。营地形如规整的四方形；据估算，约七百码见方的一块地，便足以容纳两万罗马士兵扎营；而若换成同样数目的今日军队，暴露给敌人的正面竟要宽出三倍不止。营地正中，统帅营帐（prætorium）高踞诸帐之上；骑兵、步兵与辅军各就其位；营中街道宽阔而笔直，帐幕与壁垒之间四面都留出二百英尺的空地。壁垒本身通常高十二英尺，上面立着一排坚固而繁密的木栅，外面再挖一道深、宽各十二英尺的壕沟加以防护。这项重要的工程，全由军团士兵亲手完成；对他们而言，锹镐用起来，并不比刀剑或标枪（pilum）来得生疏。奋勇好斗，往往是天生的禀赋；而这般坚忍不倦的勤勉，却唯有靠习惯与纪律才能养成。61
Whenever the trumpet gave the signal of departure, the camp was almost instantly broke up, and the troops fell into their ranks without delay or confusion. Besides their arms, which the legionaries scarcely considered as an encumbrance, they were laden with their kitchen furniture, the instruments of fortification, and the provision of many days. 62 Under this weight, which would oppress the delicacy of a modern soldier, they were trained by a regular step to advance, in about six hours, near twenty miles. 63 On the appearance of an enemy, they threw aside their baggage, and by easy and rapid evolutions converted the column of march into an order of battle. 64 The slingers and archers skirmished in the front; the auxiliaries formed the first line, and were seconded or sustained by the strength of the legions; the cavalry covered the flanks, and the military engines were placed in the rear.
Such were the arts of war, by which the Roman emperors defended their extensive conquests, and preserved a military spirit, at a time when every other virtue was oppressed by luxury and despotism. If, in the consideration of their armies, we pass from their discipline to their numbers, we shall not find it easy to define them with any tolerable accuracy. We may compute, however, that the legion, which was itself a body of six thousand eight hundred and thirty-one Romans, might, with its attendant auxiliaries, amount to about twelve thousand five hundred men. The peace establishment of Hadrian and his successors was composed of no less than thirty of these formidable brigades; and most probably formed a standing force of three hundred and seventy-five thousand men. Instead of being confined within the walls of fortified cities, which the Romans considered as the refuge of weakness or pusillanimity, the legions were encamped on the banks of the great rivers, and along the frontiers of the barbarians. As their stations, for the most part, remained fixed and permanent, we may venture to describe the distribution of the troops. Three legions were sufficient for Britain. The principal strength lay upon the Rhine and Danube, and consisted of sixteen legions, in the following proportions: two in the Lower, and three in the Upper Germany; one in Rhætia, one in Noricum, four in Pannonia, three in Mæsia, and two in Dacia. The defence of the Euphrates was intrusted to eight legions, six of whom were planted in Syria, and the other two in Cappadocia. With regard to Egypt, Africa, and Spain, as they were far removed from any important scene of war, a single legion maintained the domestic tranquillity of each of those great provinces. Even Italy was not left destitute of a military force. Above twenty thousand chosen soldiers, distinguished by the titles of City Cohorts and Prætorian Guards, watched over the safety of the monarch and the capital. As the authors of almost every revolution that distracted the empire, the Prætorians will, very soon, and very loudly, demand our attention; but, in their arms and institutions, we cannot find any circumstance which discriminated them from the legions, unless it were a more splendid appearance, and a less rigid discipline. 65
罗马历代皇帝正是凭着这套用兵之术，守卫其辽阔的征服所得，并在其余种种德行皆为奢靡与专制所压抑的时代，独独保全了一股尚武之风。若在考察其军队时，从纪律转到兵额，我们便会发现，要说出个大致准确的数目并非易事。不过约略可算：一个军团本身由六千八百三十一名罗马士兵组成，若连同随附的辅军，总数或可达一万二千五百人上下。哈德良及其后继诸帝在承平时期常设的兵力，竟不下三十个这样令人生畏的军团，很可能构成一支三十七万五千人的常备军。罗马人把设防城池的高墙视为怯懦畏葸者的托身之所，因此军团并不困守其中，而是沿着几条大河的岸边、顺着与蛮族接壤的边境扎营。由于各军团的驻地大抵固定不移，我们不妨把兵力的分布描述一番。不列颠有三个军团便已足够。主力则集结在莱茵河与多瑙河一线，共十六个军团，分布如下：下日耳曼两个，上日耳曼三个；雷提亚一个，诺里库姆一个，潘诺尼亚四个，默西亚三个，达契亚两个。幼发拉底河的防务交由八个军团担当，其中六个驻在叙利亚，另两个驻在卡帕多西亚。至于埃及、非洲与西班牙，因远离任何重要的战场，每一处这样的大行省，都只用一个军团维持境内的安宁。连意大利也并非全无武备：两万余名精选的士兵，号称“城防军”与“禁卫军”，守护着皇帝与京城的安危。几乎每一场搅乱帝国的政变都是禁卫军一手酿成的；不久之后，他们便会高声聒噪，逼我们不得不留意其所作所为。然而就武装与编制而论，实在找不出他们与普通军团有何分别，若说有，也不过是外表更为光鲜、纪律更为松弛罢了。65
The navy maintained by the emperors might seem inadequate to their greatness; but it was fully sufficient for every useful purpose of government. The ambition of the Romans was confined to the land; nor was that warlike people ever actuated by the enterprising spirit which had prompted the navigators of Tyre, of Carthage, and even of Marseilles, to enlarge the bounds of the world, and to explore the most remote coasts of the ocean. To the Romans the ocean remained an object of terror rather than of curiosity; 66 the whole extent of the Mediterranean, after the destruction of Carthage, and the extirpation of the pirates, was included within their provinces. The policy of the emperors was directed only to preserve the peaceful dominion of that sea, and to protect the commerce of their subjects. With these moderate views, Augustus stationed two permanent fleets in the most convenient ports of Italy, the one at Ravenna, on the Adriatic, the other at Misenum, in the Bay of Naples. Experience seems at length to have convinced the ancients, that as soon as their galleys exceeded two, or at the most three ranks of oars, they were suited rather for vain pomp than for real service. Augustus himself, in the victory of Actium, had seen the superiority of his own light frigates (they were called Liburnians) over the lofty but unwieldy castles of his rival. 67 Of these Liburnians he composed the two fleets of Ravenna and Misenum, destined to command, the one the eastern, the other the western division of the Mediterranean; and to each of the squadrons he attached a body of several thousand marines. Besides these two ports, which may be considered as the principal seats of the Roman navy, a very considerable force was stationed at Frejus, on the coast of Provence, and the Euxine was guarded by forty ships, and three thousand soldiers. To all these we add the fleet which preserved the communication between Gaul and Britain, and a great number of vessels constantly maintained on the Rhine and Danube, to harass the country, or to intercept the passage of the barbarians. 68 If we review this general state of the Imperial forces; of the cavalry as well as infantry; of the legions, the auxiliaries, the guards, and the navy; the most liberal computation will not allow us to fix the entire establishment by sea and by land at more than four hundred and fifty thousand men: a military power, which, however formidable it may seem, was equalled by a monarch of the last century, whose kingdom was confined within a single province of the Roman empire. 69
历代皇帝所维持的海军，就帝国的宏大而言，或许显得不成比例，但用于施政的一切实际所需，却绰绰有余。罗马人的野心只系于陆地；这个尚武的民族，从不曾为那种进取的精神所鼓动——正是这种精神，当年曾驱使提尔、迦太基乃至马赛的航海者去拓展世界的边界、探访大洋最偏远的海岸。对罗马人来说，大洋始终是令人畏惧之物，而非引人好奇之地；66 迦太基覆灭、海盗肃清之后，整个地中海尽入其行省的版图。皇帝们的方针，只在于保住对这片海域的太平掌控，护卫治下臣民的商贸。本着这份不事张扬的用意，奥古斯都在意大利最便利的两处港口各设了一支常备舰队：一支驻在亚得里亚海滨的拉文纳，另一支驻在那不勒斯湾的米塞努姆。古人似乎终究从经验中悟出：战船的桨座一旦超过两层、至多三层，便只宜充作徒有其表的排场，而无益于实战。奥古斯都本人在亚克兴一役中，早已亲眼见识到自己那些轻快战船（人称利布尔尼亚船）如何胜过对手那些高耸而笨重的楼船。67 他便用这种利布尔尼亚船，编成拉文纳与米塞努姆两支舰队，分别执掌地中海的东、西两部；每支分舰队又各配属数千名水兵。除这两处堪称罗马海军主要基地的港口外，普罗旺斯海岸的弗雷瑞斯还驻有一支相当可观的兵力，黑海则由四十艘战船、三千名士兵守卫。此外还须加上一支维系高卢与不列颠往来的舰队，以及常年部署在莱茵河与多瑙河上的大批舰船——用以骚扰对岸、拦截蛮族渡河。68 若把帝国武装的这一总体状况通盘检视一遍：骑兵与步兵，军团、辅军、禁卫军与海军，尽皆算入，那么即便按最宽的算法，海陆全部常备兵力也不过定在四十五万人：这样一股军力，看似令人生畏，却不过与上一个世纪某位君主的兵力相当——而那位君主的王国，仅仅局限于罗马帝国的一个行省之内。69
We have attempted to explain the spirit which moderated, and the strength which supported, the power of Hadrian and the Antonines. We shall now endeavor, with clearness and precision, to describe the provinces once united under their sway, but, at present, divided into so many independent and hostile states. Spain, the western extremity of the empire, of Europe, and of the ancient world, has, in every age, invariably preserved the same natural limits; the Pyrenæan Mountains, the Mediterranean, and the Atlantic Ocean. That great peninsula, at present so unequally divided between two sovereigns, was distributed by Augustus into three provinces, Lusitania, Bætica, and Tarraconensis. The kingdom of Portugal now fills the place of the warlike country of the Lusitanians; and the loss sustained by the former on the side of the East, is compensated by an accession of territory towards the North. The confines of Grenada and Andalusia correspond with those of ancient Bætica. The remainder of Spain, Gallicia, and the Asturias, Biscay, and Navarre, Leon, and the two Castiles, Murcia, Valencia, Catalonia, and Arragon, all contributed to form the third and most considerable of the Roman governments, which, from the name of its capital, was styled the province of Tarragona. 70 Of the native barbarians, the Celtiberians were the most powerful, as the Cantabrians and Asturians proved the most obstinate. Confident in the strength of their mountains, they were the last who submitted to the arms of Rome, and the first who threw off the yoke of the Arabs.
前文我们已试着阐明：是何种精神节制了、又是何种实力支撑着哈德良与安敦尼诸帝的权势。如今我们要力求清晰而准确地描述这样一些行省——它们当年曾统一在这几位皇帝的治下，如今却已分裂成众多各自为政、彼此为敌的邦国。西班牙地处帝国、欧洲乃至整个古代世界的最西端，历朝历代始终守着同样的天然界限：比利牛斯山、地中海与大西洋。这座辽阔的半岛，如今被两位君主极不均等地瓜分，当年却由奥古斯都划为三个行省：卢西塔尼亚、贝提卡与塔拉科嫩西斯。骁勇善战的卢西塔尼亚人的故土，如今换成了葡萄牙王国；葡萄牙在东面失去的疆土，靠向北扩展的领地得到了补偿。格拉纳达与安达卢西亚的地界，正与古代贝提卡相当。西班牙其余各地——加利西亚、阿斯图里亚斯、比斯开、纳瓦拉、莱昂、两个卡斯蒂利亚、穆尔西亚、巴伦西亚、加泰罗尼亚与阿拉贡——则共同拼成罗马治下第三个、也是最重要的一个行省；因其首府之名，这行省得名“塔拉戈纳”。70 当地的蛮族之中，以凯尔特伊比利亚人最为强大，而坎塔布里亚人与阿斯图里亚斯人则最为顽强。他们凭恃山险，是最后一批向罗马兵威屈服的人，也是最先挣脱阿拉伯人枷锁的人。
Ancient Gaul, as it contained the whole country between the Pyrenees, the Alps, the Rhine, and the Ocean, was of greater extent than modern France. To the dominions of that powerful monarchy, with its recent acquisitions of Alsace and Lorraine, we must add the duchy of Savoy, the cantons of Switzerland, the four electorates of the Rhine, and the territories of Liege, Luxemburgh, Hainault, Flanders, and Brabant. When Augustus gave laws to the conquests of his father, he introduced a division of Gaul, equally adapted to the progress of the legions, to the course of the rivers, and to the principal national distinctions, which had comprehended above a hundred independent states. 71 The sea-coast of the Mediterranean, Languedoc, Provence, and Dauphiné, received their provincial appellation from the colony of Narbonne. The government of Aquitaine was extended from the Pyrenees to the Loire. The country between the Loire and the Seine was styled the Celtic Gaul, and soon borrowed a new denomination from the celebrated colony of Lugdunum, or Lyons. The Belgic lay beyond the Seine, and in more ancient times had been bounded only by the Rhine; but a little before the age of Cæsar, the Germans, abusing their superiority of valor, had occupied a considerable portion of the Belgic territory. The Roman conquerors very eagerly embraced so flattering a circumstance, and the Gallic frontier of the Rhine, from Basil to Leyden, received the pompous names of the Upper and the Lower Germany. 72 Such, under the reign of the Antonines, were the six provinces of Gaul; the Narbonnese, Aquitaine, the Celtic, or Lyonnese, the Belgic, and the two Germanies.
古代的高卢，涵盖了比利牛斯山、阿尔卑斯山、莱茵河与大洋之间的全部地域，其范围比今日的法国还要广大。这个强盛王国的疆土，连同它新近取得的阿尔萨斯与洛林，此外还须并入萨伏依公国、瑞士各州、莱茵河畔的四个选侯国，以及列日、卢森堡、埃诺、佛兰德与布拉班特诸地。奥古斯都为其父征服的这片土地立法治理时，为高卢定下一套区划，既顺应军团推进的路线，又契合江河的流向，还兼顾了各主要族群的分野——这片土地上原本容纳着一百多个各自独立的部族。71 地中海沿岸一带，即朗格多克、普罗旺斯与多菲内，因纳博讷这处殖民城而得其行省之名。阿基坦行省则自比利牛斯山一直延伸到卢瓦尔河。卢瓦尔河与塞纳河之间的地方称为凯尔特高卢，不久便从卢格杜努姆（即里昂）这座著名殖民城借来一个新名号。贝尔吉卡在塞纳河以外，更古的时候本以莱茵河为界；然而就在恺撒时代稍前，日耳曼人仗着自己勇武过人，侵占了贝尔吉卡相当一部分土地。罗马征服者极其乐得抓住这一堪可自夸的由头，于是从巴塞尔到莱顿、这一段莱茵河沿岸的高卢边地，便被冠以“上日耳曼”与“下日耳曼”的堂皇名号。72 这便是安敦尼诸帝治下高卢的六个行省：纳博讷行省、阿基坦、凯尔特（又称里昂）行省、贝尔吉卡，以及两个日耳曼行省。
We have already had occasion to mention the conquest of Britain, and to fix the boundary of the Roman Province in this island. It comprehended all England, Wales, and the Lowlands of Scotland, as far as the Friths of Dumbarton and Edinburgh. Before Britain lost her freedom, the country was irregularly divided between thirty tribes of barbarians, of whom the most considerable were the Belgæ in the West, the Brigantes in the North, the Silures in South Wales, and the Iceni in Norfolk and Suffolk. 73 As far as we can either trace or credit the resemblance of manners and language, Spain, Gaul, and Britain were peopled by the same hardy race of savages. Before they yielded to the Roman arms, they often disputed the field, and often renewed the contest. After their submission, they constituted the western division of the European provinces, which extended from the columns of Hercules to the wall of Antoninus, and from the mouth of the Tagus to the sources of the Rhine and Danube.
前文已有机会提及不列颠的征服，并已划定罗马行省在这座岛上的边界。该行省涵盖英格兰全境、威尔士，以及苏格兰低地，北抵邓巴顿湾与爱丁堡湾。不列颠尚未丧失自由之前，全岛零乱地分属三十个蛮族部落，其中较为强大的，有西部的贝尔盖人、北部的布里甘特人、南威尔士的西卢尔人，以及诺福克与萨福克一带的伊西尼人。73 就我们所能追溯或采信的风俗、语言之相似而言，西班牙、高卢与不列颠三地，居住的原是同一支强悍的蛮族。在向罗马兵威屈服之前，他们屡屡沙场相争，屡屡重启战端。降服之后，他们便构成了欧洲诸行省的西部：这一片疆域，西起赫拉克勒斯之柱，北至安敦尼长城，又从塔霍河口一直延展到莱茵河与多瑙河的源头。
The Ligurians dwelt on the rocky coast which now forms the republic of Genoa. Venice was yet unborn; but the territories of that state, which lie to the east of the Adige, were inhabited by the Venetians. 74 The middle part of the peninsula, that now composes the duchy of Tuscany and the ecclesiastical state, was the ancient seat of the Etruscans and Umbrians; to the former of whom Italy was indebted for the first rudiments of civilized life. 75 The Tyber rolled at the foot of the seven hills of Rome, and the country of the Sabines, the Latins, and the Volsci, from that river to the frontiers of Naples, was the theatre of her infant victories. On that celebrated ground the first consuls deserved triumphs, their successors adorned villas, and their posterity have erected convents. 76 Capua and Campania possessed the immediate territory of Naples; the rest of the kingdom was inhabited by many warlike nations, the Marsi, the Samnites, the Apulians, and the Lucanians; and the sea-coasts had been covered by the flourishing colonies of the Greeks. We may remark, that when Augustus divided Italy into eleven regions, the little province of Istria was annexed to that seat of Roman sovereignty. 77
利古里亚人聚居在今日构成热那亚共和国的那片多岩海岸。此时威尼斯尚未诞生，然而这个国家位于阿迪杰河以东的属地，早已有威尼提人居住。74 半岛的中段，即今日的托斯卡纳公国与教皇国所在，古时是伊特鲁里亚人与翁布里亚人的家园；意大利最初的那点文明教化，正是拜前者所赐。75 台伯河在罗马七丘脚下奔流；从这条河直到那不勒斯边境，萨宾人、拉丁人与沃尔西人的地界，便是罗马幼年时代扬威立功的舞台。就在这片赫赫有名的土地上，最初的几位执政官挣得了凯旋之荣，他们的后继者在此营建别墅，而他们的子孙后代，到头来却在此建起一座座修道院。76 卡普亚与坎帕尼亚据有紧邻那不勒斯的地带；王国其余各处，则住着许多尚武的族群——马尔西人、萨莫奈人、阿普利亚人与卢卡尼亚人；沿海一带更遍布希腊人兴盛的殖民城邦。值得一提的是，奥古斯都把意大利划为十一个大区时，还把伊斯特拉这个小行省并入了罗马主权的这一核心之地。77
The European provinces of Rome were protected by the course of the Rhine and the Danube. The latter of those mighty streams, which rises at the distance of only thirty miles from the former, flows above thirteen hundred miles, for the most part to the south-east, collects the tribute of sixty navigable rivers, and is, at length, through six mouths, received into the Euxine, which appears scarcely equal to such an accession of waters. 78 The provinces of the Danube soon acquired the general appellation of Illyricum, or the Illyrian frontier, 79 and were esteemed the most warlike of the empire; but they deserve to be more particularly considered under the names of Rhætia, Noricum, Pannonia, Dalmatia, Dacia, Mæsia, Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece.
The province of Rhætia, which soon extinguished the name of the Vindelicians, extended from the summit of the Alps to the banks of the Danube; from its source, as far as its conflux with the Inn. The greatest part of the flat country is subject to the elector of Bavaria; the city of Augsburg is protected by the constitution of the German empire; the Grisons are safe in their mountains, and the country of Tirol is ranked among the numerous provinces of the house of Austria.
雷提亚行省不久便湮没了温德利基人的名号，其境自阿尔卑斯山巅一直伸展到多瑙河岸，从多瑙河源头一直到它与因河的汇流处。这片平地的绝大部分，如今归巴伐利亚选侯管辖；奥格斯堡城受德意志帝国宪制的庇护；格劳宾登人在山中安然自守；蒂罗尔一带，则名列奥地利王室众多领地之中。
The wide extent of territory which is included between the Inn, the Danube, and the Save,—Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Carniola, the Lower Hungary, and Sclavonia,—was known to the ancients under the names of Noricum and Pannonia. In their original state of independence, their fierce inhabitants were intimately connected. Under the Roman government they were frequently united, and they still remain the patrimony of a single family. They now contain the residence of a German prince, who styles himself Emperor of the Romans, and form the centre, as well as strength, of the Austrian power. It may not be improper to observe, that if we except Bohemia, Moravia, the northern skirts of Austria, and a part of Hungary between the Teyss and the Danube, all the other dominions of the House of Austria were comprised within the limits of the Roman Empire.
因河、多瑙河与萨瓦河之间所圈起的广袤地域——奥地利、施蒂里亚、卡林西亚、卡尼奥拉、下匈牙利与斯拉沃尼亚——在古人那里称作诺里库姆与潘诺尼亚。当这些地方尚各自独立时，其剽悍的居民彼此往来密切。归入罗马治下后，它们又屡屡合而为一，至今仍是同一个家族的世袭产业。如今，一位自称“罗马人皇帝”的德意志君主便驻跸于此；这片土地既是奥地利势力的中心，也是其力量之所在。这里不妨一提：除波希米亚、摩拉维亚、奥地利北缘，以及匈牙利介于蒂萨河与多瑙河之间的一部分外，奥地利王室其余的全部领地，都在昔日罗马帝国的疆界之内。
Dalmatia, to which the name of Illyricum more properly belonged, was a long, but narrow tract, between the Save and the Adriatic. The best part of the sea-coast, which still retains its ancient appellation, is a province of the Venetian state, and the seat of the little republic of Ragusa. The inland parts have assumed the Sclavonian names of Croatia and Bosnia; the former obeys an Austrian governor, the latter a Turkish pacha; but the whole country is still infested by tribes of barbarians, whose savage independence irregularly marks the doubtful limit of the Christian and Mahometan power. 80
达尔马提亚——伊利里库姆这名号本更应归于此地——是萨瓦河与亚得里亚海之间一条狭长的地带。其海岸最好的一段至今仍保留着古时的名称，如今是威尼斯国的一个行省，也是拉古萨这个小小共和国的所在。内陆诸地则冠上了斯拉夫语的名号——克罗地亚与波斯尼亚：前者听命于一位奥地利总督，后者听命于一位土耳其帕夏；但整片地方仍为一群群蛮族所盘踞，他们那野性未驯的独立，参差不齐地标示出基督教与穆斯林两方势力之间那条模糊难定的分界。80
After the Danube had received the waters of the Teyss and the Save, it acquired, at least among the Greeks, the name of Ister. 81 It formerly divided Mæsia and Dacia, the latter of which, as we have already seen, was a conquest of Trajan, and the only province beyond the river. If we inquire into the present state of those countries, we shall find that, on the left hand of the Danube, Temeswar and Transylvania have been annexed, after many revolutions, to the crown of Hungary; whilst the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia acknowledge the supremacy of the Ottoman Porte. On the right hand of the Danube, Mæsia, which, during the middle ages, was broken into the barbarian kingdoms of Servia and Bulgaria, is again united in Turkish slavery.
多瑙河汇纳了蒂萨河与萨瓦河的水后，至少在希腊人那里，便另得一名，唤作伊斯特尔河。81 它从前是默西亚与达契亚的分界；达契亚，如前文所见，是图拉真的征服所得，也是河对岸唯一的一个行省。若探问这些地方今日的状况，便会发现：多瑙河左岸的泰梅什瓦尔与特兰西瓦尼亚，历经无数变乱之后，已并入匈牙利王室；而摩尔达维亚与瓦拉几亚两个公国，则奉奥斯曼朝廷为宗主。多瑙河右岸的默西亚，中世纪时曾裂为塞尔维亚与保加利亚两个蛮族王国，如今又一同沦于土耳其人的奴役之下。
The appellation of Roumelia, which is still bestowed by the Turks on the extensive countries of Thrace, Macedonia, and Greece, preserves the memory of their ancient state under the Roman empire. In the time of the Antonines, the martial regions of Thrace, from the mountains of Hæmus and Rhodope, to the Bosphorus and the Hellespont, had assumed the form of a province. Notwithstanding the change of masters and of religion, the new city of Rome, founded by Constantine on the banks of the Bosphorus, has ever since remained the capital of a great monarchy. The kingdom of Macedonia, which, under the reign of Alexander, gave laws to Asia, derived more solid advantages from the policy of the two Philips; and with its dependencies of Epirus and Thessaly, extended from the Ægean to the Ionian Sea. When we reflect on the fame of Thebes and Argos, of Sparta and Athens, we can scarcely persuade ourselves, that so many immortal republics of ancient Greece were lost in a single province of the Roman empire, which, from the superior influence of the Achæan league, was usually denominated the province of Achaia.
土耳其人至今仍以“鲁米利亚”之名，称呼色雷斯、马其顿与希腊这一大片地方，这个名号还保留着它们昔日隶属罗马帝国时的记忆。在安敦尼诸帝时代，色雷斯这片尚武的地域，自海慕斯山与罗多彼山，直到博斯普鲁斯海峡与赫勒斯滂，已具备了行省的规制。尽管主人换了，宗教也换了，君士坦丁在博斯普鲁斯海峡之滨所建的这座新罗马城，自那以后却一直是一个泱泱大国的京都。马其顿王国当年在亚历山大治下曾号令亚洲，然而它更为实在的强盛，却得益于前后两位腓力的谋略；这王国连同其属地伊庇鲁斯与色萨利，一直伸展到爱琴海与伊奥尼亚海之间。每当我们追想底比斯与阿尔戈斯、斯巴达与雅典的赫赫声名，便几乎难以相信：古希腊如许多不朽的共和城邦，竟一并湮没于罗马帝国的一个行省之中；而这个行省，因亚该亚同盟的势力最盛，通常便被称作亚该亚行省。
Such was the state of Europe under the Roman emperors. The provinces of Asia, without excepting the transient conquests of Trajan, are all comprehended within the limits of the Turkish power. But, instead of following the arbitrary divisions of despotism and ignorance, it will be safer for us, as well as more agreeable, to observe the indelible characters of nature. The name of Asia Minor is attributed with some propriety to the peninsula, which, confined betwixt the Euxine and the Mediterranean, advances from the Euphrates towards Europe. The most extensive and flourishing district, westward of Mount Taurus and the River Halys, was dignified by the Romans with the exclusive title of Asia. The jurisdiction of that province extended over the ancient monarchies of Troy, Lydia, and Phrygia, the maritime countries of the Pamphylians, Lycians, and Carians, and the Grecian colonies of Ionia, which equalled in arts, though not in arms, the glory of their parent. The kingdoms of Bithynia and Pontus possessed the northern side of the peninsula from Constantinople to Trebizond. On the opposite side, the province of Cilicia was terminated by the mountains of Syria: the inland country, separated from the Roman Asia by the River Halys, and from Armenia by the Euphrates, had once formed the independent kingdom of Cappadocia. In this place we may observe, that the northern shores of the Euxine, beyond Trebizond in Asia, and beyond the Danube in Europe, acknowledged the sovereignty of the emperors, and received at their hands either tributary princes or Roman garrisons. Budzak, Crim Tartary, Circassia, and Mingrelia, are the modern appellations of those savage countries. 82
罗马诸帝治下的欧洲，情形便是如此。亚洲的各行省，连图拉真那些转瞬即逝的征服所得也算在内，如今尽在土耳其势力的疆界之内。不过，与其去因循专制与蒙昧所划定的那些任意界线，倒不如着眼于造化亲手刻下、无可磨灭的天然分界，这样于我们既更稳妥，也更惬意。小亚细亚之名，冠在这样一座半岛上，倒也名副其实：它夹在黑海与地中海之间，自幼发拉底河一路向欧洲伸去。托罗斯山与哈利斯河以西那一片最为广袤繁盛的地区，被罗马人专门尊称为“亚细亚”。这个行省的辖区，涵盖了特洛伊、吕底亚与弗里吉亚这几个古老王国，潘菲利亚人、吕基亚人与卡里亚人这几处滨海之邦，以及伊奥尼亚的希腊殖民城邦——这些城邦在技艺上足与其母邦的荣光比肩，唯独在武功上有所不及。比提尼亚与本都两个王国，据有半岛北侧自君士坦丁堡到特拉比松的一带。另一侧的奇里乞亚行省，则以叙利亚境内的群山为界；至于内陆，西以哈利斯河与罗马的亚细亚行省相隔，东以幼发拉底河与亚美尼亚为界，昔日曾自成一个独立的卡帕多西亚王国。这里不妨一提：黑海北岸——在亚洲一侧越过特拉比松、在欧洲一侧越过多瑙河的那些地方——也都承认皇帝的主权，并从皇帝手中领受或是称臣纳贡的藩王，或是罗马的驻军。布贾克、克里米亚鞑靼、切尔克西亚与明格列里亚，便是这些蛮荒之地今日的名号。82
Under the successors of Alexander, Syria was the seat of the Seleucidæ, who reigned over Upper Asia, till the successful revolt of the Parthians confined their dominions between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean. When Syria became subject to the Romans, it formed the eastern frontier of their empire: nor did that province, in its utmost latitude, know any other bounds than the mountains of Cappadocia to the north, and towards the south, the confines of Egypt, and the Red Sea. Phœnicia and Palestine were sometimes annexed to, and sometimes separated from, the jurisdiction of Syria. The former of these was a narrow and rocky coast; the latter was a territory scarcely superior to Wales, either in fertility or extent. 821 Yet Phœnicia and Palestine will forever live in the memory of mankind; since America, as well as Europe, has received letters from the one, and religion from the other. 83 A sandy desert, alike destitute of wood and water, skirts along the doubtful confine of Syria, from the Euphrates to the Red Sea. The wandering life of the Arabs was inseparably connected with their independence; and wherever, on some spots less barren than the rest, they ventured to for many settled habitations, they soon became subjects to the Roman empire. 84
在亚历山大的诸位继业者治下，叙利亚是塞琉古王朝的都畿；这个王朝一度统治上亚细亚，直到帕提亚人起事成功，才把它的疆土压缩到幼发拉底河与地中海之间。叙利亚归属罗马之后，便成了帝国的东方边陲；这个行省即便在其最广的范围内，北面也不过以卡帕多西亚境内的群山为界，南面则止于埃及边境与红海。腓尼基与巴勒斯坦时而并入叙利亚辖区，时而又与之分离。前者是一条狭窄多岩的海岸；后者的地域，无论就物产还是就幅员而言，都未必胜过威尔士。821 然而腓尼基与巴勒斯坦将永远铭刻在人类的记忆里，因为无论欧洲还是美洲，都从前者领受了文字，从后者领受了宗教。83 一片沙漠，草木与水源同样匮乏，沿着叙利亚那条模糊难定的边界，从幼发拉底河一直绵延到红海。阿拉伯人的游牧生涯，与他们的独立密不可分；然而，凡在那些不似别处那般贫瘠的零星地块上，只要他们大胆定居下来、营建起固定的居所，便很快沦为罗马帝国的臣民。84
The geographers of antiquity have frequently hesitated to what portion of the globe they should ascribe Egypt. 85 By its situation that celebrated kingdom is included within the immense peninsula of Africa; but it is accessible only on the side of Asia, whose revolutions, in almost every period of history, Egypt has humbly obeyed. A Roman præfect was seated on the splendid throne of the Ptolemies; and the iron sceptre of the Mamelukes is now in the hands of a Turkish pacha. The Nile flows down the country, above five hundred miles from the tropic of Cancer to the Mediterranean, and marks on either side the extent of fertility by the measure of its inundations. Cyrene, situate towards the west, and along the sea-coast, was first a Greek colony, afterwards a province of Egypt, and is now lost in the desert of Barca. 851
From Cyrene to the ocean, the coast of Africa extends above fifteen hundred miles; yet so closely is it pressed between the Mediterranean and the Sahara, or sandy desert, that its breadth seldom exceeds fourscore or a hundred miles. The eastern division was considered by the Romans as the more peculiar and proper province of Africa. Till the arrival of the Phœnician colonies, that fertile country was inhabited by the Libyans, the most savage of mankind. Under the immediate jurisdiction of Carthage, it became the centre of commerce and empire; but the republic of Carthage is now degenerated into the feeble and disorderly states of Tripoli and Tunis. The military government of Algiers oppresses the wide extent of Numidia, as it was once united under Massinissa and Jugurtha; but in the time of Augustus, the limits of Numidia were contracted; and, at least, two thirds of the country acquiesced in the name of Mauritania, with the epithet of Cæsariensis. The genuine Mauritania, or country of the Moors, which, from the ancient city of Tingi, or Tangier, was distinguished by the appellation of Tingitana, is represented by the modern kingdom of Fez. Salle, on the Ocean, so infamous at present for its piratical depredations, was noticed by the Romans, as the extreme object of their power, and almost of their geography. A city of their foundation may still be discovered near Mequinez, the residence of the barbarian whom we condescend to style the Emperor of Morocco; but it does not appear, that his more southern dominions, Morocco itself, and Segelmessa, were ever comprehended within the Roman province. The western parts of Africa are intersected by the branches of Mount Atlas, a name so idly celebrated by the fancy of poets; 86 but which is now diffused over the immense ocean that rolls between the ancient and the new continent. 87
自昔兰尼到大洋，非洲的海岸绵延一千五百余英里；然而它被地中海与撒哈拉沙漠紧紧夹在中间，宽度极少超过八十或一百英里。罗马人把东段视为非洲最本色、最名正言顺的行省。在腓尼基殖民者到来之前，这片沃土上住着利比亚人，那是人类中最野蛮的一支。归入迦太基直接管辖之后，此地成了商业与霸权的中心；然而迦太基共和国如今已沦落为的黎波里与突尼斯这两个孱弱而混乱的国家。阿尔及尔的军政府，如今压迫着努米底亚那一大片地方——努米底亚昔日曾在马西尼萨与朱古达治下合为一体；但到奥古斯都时代，努米底亚的疆界已然收缩，全境至少三分之二默然接受了“毛里塔尼亚”之名，还带上“凯撒里恩西斯”的称号。至于本真的毛里塔尼亚，即摩尔人的故土——因古城廷吉（即丹吉尔）而得名“廷吉塔纳”——则对应于今日的非斯王国。濒临大洋的萨累，如今因海盗劫掠而声名狼藉，当年却被罗马人视为其势力、乃至其地理知识所及的极远之处。在梅克内斯附近，至今还能寻见一座罗马人所建的城；梅克内斯正是那位蛮族君主的驻地，而我们竟屈尊称他为“摩洛哥皇帝”。不过看来，他更靠南的领地——摩洛哥本部与塞吉尔梅萨——从不曾包括在罗马行省之内。非洲西部为阿特拉斯山的支脉所纵横切割；这名字曾被诗人的遐想无端传扬，86 如今却移用于横亘在新旧两大陆之间那片辽阔无垠的大洋。87
Having now finished the circuit of the Roman empire, we may observe, that Africa is divided from Spain by a narrow strait of about twelve miles, through which the Atlantic flows into the Mediterranean. The columns of Hercules, so famous among the ancients, were two mountains which seemed to have been torn asunder by some convulsion of the elements; and at the foot of the European mountain, the fortress of Gibraltar is now seated. The whole extent of the Mediterranean Sea, its coasts and its islands, were comprised within the Roman dominion. Of the larger islands, the two Baleares, which derive their name of Majorca and Minorca from their respective size, are subject at present, the former to Spain, the latter to Great Britain. 871 It is easier to deplore the fate, than to describe the actual condition, of Corsica. 872 Two Italian sovereigns assume a regal title from Sardinia and Sicily. Crete, or Candia, with Cyprus, and most of the smaller islands of Greece and Asia, have been subdued by the Turkish arms, whilst the little rock of Malta defies their power, and has emerged, under the government of its military Order, into fame and opulence. 873
如今既已绕帝国一周，我们不妨顺带一提：非洲与西班牙之间，隔着一道约十二英里宽的海峡，大西洋便由此注入地中海。古人津津乐道的赫拉克勒斯之柱，本是两座山峰，仿佛曾被天地间某场剧变生生撕裂而开；如今，直布罗陀要塞就坐落在欧洲一侧那座山峰的脚下。整个地中海，连同它的沿岸与岛屿，尽在罗马版图之内。较大的岛屿之中，有巴利阿里群岛的两座，因大小不同分别得名马略卡与梅诺卡，如今前者归西班牙，后者归大不列颠。871 至于科西嘉的命运，与其去描摹它今日的实况，倒不如为它一声长叹来得容易。872 两位意大利君主分别取撒丁与西西里之名，僭称王号。克里特（又名坎迪亚）连同塞浦路斯，以及希腊、亚洲附近大多数较小的岛屿，都已为土耳其人的兵威所征服；唯有马耳他那一小块礁石，敢于抗拒其威势，且在其军事修会的治理之下，一跃而享有盛名与富庶。873
This long enumeration of provinces, whose broken fragments have formed so many powerful kingdoms, might almost induce us to forgive the vanity or ignorance of the ancients. Dazzled with the extensive sway, the irresistible strength, and the real or affected moderation of the emperors, they permitted themselves to despise, and sometimes to forget, the outlying countries which had been left in the enjoyment of a barbarous independence; and they gradually usurped the license of confounding the Roman monarchy with the globe of the earth. 88 But the temper, as well as knowledge, of a modern historian, require a more sober and accurate language. He may impress a juster image of the greatness of Rome, by observing that the empire was above two thousand miles in breadth, from the wall of Antoninus and the northern limits of Dacia, to Mount Atlas and the tropic of Cancer; that it extended in length more than three thousand miles from the Western Ocean to the Euphrates; that it was situated in the finest part of the Temperate Zone, between the twenty-fourth and fifty-sixth degrees of northern latitude; and that it was supposed to contain above sixteen hundred thousand square miles, for the most part of fertile and well-cultivated land. 89
这样一份冗长的行省清单——它们残裂的碎片，日后竟拼成了如许强盛的王国——几乎要教我们原谅古人的自负与浅陋了。历代皇帝那辽阔的治权、那无从抗拒的实力，加上那份或真或假的克制姿态，令古人目眩神迷，于是他们竟自甘轻视、乃至时时忘却那些被撇在化外、仍享着蛮荒独立的边远之邦；久而久之，便擅自把罗马帝国与整个地球混为一谈。88 然而近世史家的秉性与学识，都要求一种更为持重、更为精确的措辞。他大可如实道来，从而使罗马之伟大在人们心中留下更为公允的印象：这帝国的宽度在两千英里以上，自安敦尼长城与达契亚北界，直到阿特拉斯山与北回归线；其长度则逾三千英里，自西方大洋一直到幼发拉底河；它坐落在温带最宜人的地段，介于北纬二十四度与五十六度之间；据估算，境内含有一百六十余万平方英里的土地，大部分肥沃而耕作精良。89
Notes 注释
60
Vegetius finishes his second book, and the description of the legion, with the following emphatic words:—“Universa quæ in quoque belli genere necessaria esse creduntur, secum legio debet ubique portare, ut in quovis loco fixerit castra, armatam faciat civitatem.”
韦格蒂乌斯在其第二卷末尾、结束对军团的描述时，以下面这句掷地有声的话作结：“Universa quæ in quoque belli genere necessaria esse creduntur, secum legio debet ubique portare, ut in quovis loco fixerit castra, armatam faciat civitatem.”（凡各类战事所需之物，军团皆须随身携行，务使无论在何处扎营，都能就地筑起一座武装的城池。）
61
For the Roman Castrametation, see Polybius, l. vi. with Lipsius de Militia Romana, Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. c. 5. Vegetius, i. 21—25, iii. 9, and Memoires de Guichard, tom. i. c. 1.
关于罗马人的营寨布置，参见 Polybius, l. vi.，并利普修斯 de Militia Romana、Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. c. 5、Vegetius, i. 21—25, iii. 9，以及 Memoires de Guichard, tom. i. c. 1。
62
Cicero in Tusculan. ii. 37, [15.]—Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. 5, Frontinus, iv. 1.
西塞罗 in Tusculan. ii. 37, [15.]——Joseph. de Bell. Jud. l. iii. 5、Frontinus, iv. 1。
63
Vegetius, i. 9. See Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 187.
Vegetius, i. 9。参见 Memoires de l’Academie des Inscriptions, tom. xxv. p. 187。
64
See those evolutions admirably well explained by M. Guichard Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 141—234.
这些战术调度，吉夏尔先生（M. Guichard）在 Nouveaux Memoires, tom. i. p. 141—234 中有极为精彩的阐释，参见之。
65
Tacitus (Annal. iv. 5) has given us a state of the legions under Tiberius; and Dion Cassius (l. lv. p. 794) under Alexander Severus. I have endeavored to fix on the proper medium between these two periods. See likewise Lipsius de Magnitudine Romana, l. i. c. 4, 5.
塔西佗（Annal. iv. 5）为我们记下了提比略治下军团的状况，狄奥·卡西乌斯（l. lv. p. 794）则记下了亚历山大·塞维鲁治下的情形。我力求在这两个时期之间取一恰当的折中之数。另见利普修斯 de Magnitudine Romana, l. i. c. 4, 5。
66
The Romans tried to disguise, by the pretence of religious awe their ignorance and terror. See Tacit. Germania, c. 34.
罗马人企图以宗教敬畏为托词，来掩饰自己的无知与恐惧。参见 Tacit. Germania, c. 34。
67
Plutarch, in Marc. Anton. [c. 67.] And yet, if we may credit Orosius, these monstrous castles were no more than ten feet above the water, vi. 19.
普鲁塔克，in Marc. Anton. [c. 67.]。不过，倘若奥罗修斯之言可信，这些庞然如城的巨舰，其舷高也不过在水面以上十英尺而已，vi. 19。
68
See Lipsius, de Magnitud. Rom. l. i. c. 5. The sixteen last chapters of Vegetius relate to naval affairs.
参见利普修斯 de Magnitud. Rom. l. i. c. 5。韦格蒂乌斯末尾十六章讲的都是海军事务。
69
Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29. It must, however, be remembered, that France still feels that extraordinary effort.
Voltaire, Siecle de Louis XIV. c. 29。不过须记住，法国至今仍在承受当年那番非同寻常的竭力所留下的影响。
70
See Strabo, l. ii. It is natural enough to suppose, that Arragon is derived from Tarraconensis, and several moderns who have written in Latin use those words as synonymous. It is, however, certain, that the Arragon, a little stream which falls from the Pyrenees into the Ebro, first gave its name to a country, and gradually to a kingdom. See d’Anville, Geographie du Moyen Age, p. 181.
参见 Strabo, l. ii.。人们很自然会以为“阿拉贡”（Arragon）一名源出“塔拉科嫩西斯”（Tarraconensis），若干以拉丁文写作的近人也把这两个词当作同义语使用。然而可以确定的是：阿拉贡本是一条自比利牛斯山注入埃布罗河的小河，它先把自己的名字给了一个地方，继而又给了一个王国。参见 d’Anville, Geographie du Moyen Age, p. 181。
71
One hundred and fifteen cities appear in the Notitia of Gaul; and it is well known that this appellation was applied not only to the capital town, but to the whole territory of each state. But Plutarch and Appian increase the number of tribes to three or four hundred.
高卢《行省志》（Notitia）中列有一百一十五座“城”；众所周知，这一称谓不仅指首府一城，也用来指每个部族的整片辖地。不过普鲁塔克与阿庇安则把部族的数目增至三四百个。
72
D’Anville. Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule.
d’Anville, Notice de l’Ancienne Gaule。
73
Whittaker’s History of Manchester, vol. i. c. 3.] Before the Roman conquest, the country which is now called Lombardy, was not considered as a part of Italy. It had been occupied by a powerful colony of Gauls, who, settling themselves along the banks of the Po, from Piedmont to Romagna, carried their arms and diffused their name from the Alps to the Apennine.
Whittaker’s History of Manchester, vol. i. c. 3。在罗马征服之前，今日称作伦巴第的这片地方，并不算作意大利的一部分。此地曾被一支强大的高卢殖民部族所占据；他们沿波河两岸定居，自皮埃蒙特直到罗马涅，兵锋所及、名声所播，从阿尔卑斯山一直远至亚平宁山。
74
The Italian Veneti, though often confounded with the Gauls, were more probably of Illyrian origin. See M. Freret, Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii. * Note: Or Liburnian, according to Niebuhr. Vol. i. p. 172.—M.
意大利的威尼提人（Veneti）虽常与高卢人相混，但更可能源出伊利里亚。参见弗雷雷先生（M. Freret），Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions, tom. xviii.。编者注：或系利布尔尼亚人（Liburnian），据尼布尔之说，Vol. i. p. 172。—M。
75
See Maffei Verona illustrata, l. i. Note: Add Niebuhr, vol. i., and Otfried Müller, die Etrusker*, which contains much that is known, and much that is conjectured, about this remarkable people. Also Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli Italiani. Florence, 1832—M.
参见 Maffei, Verona illustrata, l. i.。编者注：另可补充尼布尔 vol. i.，以及奥特弗里德·米勒（Otfried Müller）的 die Etrusker——此书关于这个非凡民族，既载录了许多确知之事，也载录了许多推测之词。又见 Micali, Storia degli antichi popoli Italiani. Florence, 1832。—M。
76
The first contrast was observed by the ancients. See Florus, i. 11. The second must strike every modern traveller.
头一重对照，古人早已注意到，参见 Florus, i. 11。第二重对照，则必令每一位近世的旅人为之心惊。
77
Pliny (Hist. Natur. l. iii.) follows the division of Italy by Augustus.
普林尼（Hist. Natur. l. iii.）依循奥古斯都对意大利的划分。
78
Tournefort, Voyages en Grece et Asie Mineure, lettre xviii.
Tournefort, Voyages en Grece et Asie Mineure, lettre xviii。
79
The name of Illyricum originally belonged to the sea-coast of the Adriatic, and was gradually extended by the Romans from the Alps to the Euxine Sea. See Severini Pannonia, l. i. c. 3.
“伊利里库姆”之名原本专指亚得里亚海沿岸，后经罗马人逐渐推广，自阿尔卑斯山一直延用到黑海。参见 Severini Pannonia, l. i. c. 3。
80
A Venetian traveller, the Abbate Fortis, has lately given us some account of those very obscure countries. But the geography and antiquities of the western Illyricum can be expected only from the munificence of the emperor, its sovereign.
一位威尼斯旅行家福尔蒂斯神父（the Abbate Fortis），近来为我们提供了关于那几处极为晦暗难知之地的一些记述。不过，西伊利里库姆的地理与古迹要得到详实考订，就只能仰赖那位身为其君主的皇帝慷慨襄助了。
81
The Save rises near the confines of Istria, and was considered by the more early Greeks as the principal stream of the Danube.
萨瓦河发源于伊斯特拉边境附近，早期的希腊人曾把它视作多瑙河的正源。
82
See the Periplus of Arrian. He examined the coasts of the Euxine, when he was governor of Cappadocia.
参见阿里安的《航行记》（Periplus）。他任卡帕多西亚总督时，曾亲自考察过黑海沿岸。
821
This comparison is exaggerated, with the intention, no doubt, of attacking the authority of the Bible, which boasts of the fertility of Palestine. Gibbon’s only authorities were that of Strabo (l. xvi. 1104) and the present state of the country. But Strabo only speaks of the neighborhood of Jerusalem, which he calls barren and arid to the extent of sixty stadia round the city: in other parts he gives a favorable testimony to the fertility of many parts of Palestine: thus he says, “Near Jericho there is a grove of palms, and a country of a hundred stadia, full of springs, and well peopled.” Moreover, Strabo had never seen Palestine; he spoke only after reports, which may be as inaccurate as those according to which he has composed that description of Germany, in which Gluverius has detected so many errors. (Gluv. Germ. iii. 1.) Finally, his testimony is contradicted and refuted by that of other ancient authors, and by medals. Tacitus says, in speaking of Palestine, “The inhabitants are healthy and robust; the rains moderate; the soil fertile.” (Hist. v. 6.) Ammianus Macellinus says also, “The last of the Syrias is Palestine, a country of considerable extent, abounding in clean and well-cultivated land, and containing some fine cities, none of which yields to the other; but, as it were, being on a parallel, are rivals.”—xiv. 8. See also the historian Josephus, Hist. vi. 1. Procopius of Cæserea, who lived in the sixth century, says that Chosroes, king of Persia, had a great desire to make himself master of Palestine, on account of its extraordinary fertility, its opulence, and the great number of its inhabitants. The Saracens thought the same, and were afraid that Omar. when he went to Jerusalem, charmed with the fertility of the soil and the purity of the air, would never return to Medina. (Ockley, Hist. of Sarac. i. 232.) The importance attached by the Romans to the conquest of Palestine, and the obstacles they encountered, prove also the richness and population of the country. Vespasian and Titus caused medals to be struck with trophies, in which Palestine is represented by a female under a palm-tree, to signify the richness of he country, with this legend: Judæa capta. Other medals also indicate this fertility; for instance, that of Herod holding a bunch of grapes, and that of the young Agrippa displaying fruit. As to the present state of he country, one perceives that it is not fair to draw any inference against its ancient fertility: the disasters through which it has passed, the government to which it is subject, the disposition of the inhabitants, explain sufficiently the wild and uncultivated appearance of the land, where, nevertheless, fertile and cultivated districts are still found, according to the testimony of travellers; among others, of Shaw, Maundrel, La Rocque, &c.—G. The Abbé Guénée, in his Lettres de quelques Juifs à Mons. de Voltaire, has exhausted the subject of the fertility of Palestine; for Voltaire had likewise indulged in sarcasm on this subject. Gibbon was assailed on this point, not, indeed, by Mr. Davis, who, he slyly insinuates, was prevented by his patriotism as a Welshman from resenting the comparison with Wales, but by other writers. In his Vindication, he first established the correctness of his measurement of Palestine, which he estimates as 7600 square English miles, while Wales is about 7011. As to fertility, he proceeds in the following dexterously composed and splendid passage: “The emperor Frederick II., the enemy and the victim of the clergy, is accused of saying, after his return from his crusade, that the God of the Jews would have despised his promised land, if he had once seen the fruitful realms of Sicily and Naples.” (See Giannone, Istor. Civ. del R. di Napoli, ii. 245.) This raillery, which malice has, perhaps, falsely imputed to Frederick, is inconsistent with truth and piety; yet it must be confessed that the soil of Palestine does not contain that inexhaustible, and, as it were, spontaneous principle of fertility, which, under the most unfavorable circumstances, has covered with rich harvests the banks of the Nile, the fields of Sicily, or the plains of Poland. The Jordan is the only navigable river of Palestine: a considerable part of the narrow space is occupied, or rather lost, in the Dead Sea whose horrid aspect inspires every sensation of disgust, and countenances every tale of horror. The districts which border on Arabia partake of the sandy quality of the adjacent desert. The face of the country, except the sea-coast, and the valley of the Jordan, is covered with mountains, which appear, for the most part, as naked and barren rocks; and in the neighborhood of Jerusalem, there is a real scarcity of the two elements of earth and water. (See Maundrel’s Travels, p. 65, and Reland’s Palestin. i. 238, 395.) These disadvantages, which now operate in their fullest extent, were formerly corrected by the labors of a numerous people, and the active protection of a wise government. The hills were clothed with rich beds of artificial mould, the rain was collected in vast cisterns, a supply of fresh water was conveyed by pipes and aqueducts to the dry lands. The breed of cattle was encouraged in those parts which were not adapted for tillage, and almost every spot was compelled to yield some production for the use of the inhabitants.
Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par artem Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi passus sua Regna veterno. Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540.
But Gibbon has here eluded the question about the land “flowing with milk and honey.” He is describing Judæa only, without comprehending Galilee, or the rich pastures beyond the Jordan, even now proverbial for their flocks and herds. (See Burckhardt’s Travels, and Hist of Jews, i. 178.) The following is believed to be a fair statement: “The extraordinary fertility of the whole country must be taken into the account. No part was waste; very little was occupied by unprofitable wood; the more fertile hills were cultivated in artificial terraces, others were hung with orchards of fruit trees the more rocky and barren districts were covered with vineyards.” Even in the present day, the wars and misgovernment of ages have not exhausted the natural richness of the soil. “Galilee,” says Malte Brun, “would be a paradise were it inhabited by an industrious people under an enlightened government. No land could be less dependent on foreign importation; it bore within itself every thing that could be necessary for the subsistence and comfort of a simple agricultural people. The climate was healthy, the seasons regular; the former rains, which fell about October, after the vintage, prepared the ground for the seed; that latter, which prevailed during March and the beginning of April, made it grow rapidly. Directly the rains ceased, the grain ripened with still greater rapidity, and was gathered in before the end of May. The summer months were dry and very hot, but the nights cool and refreshed by copious dews. In September, the vintage was gathered. Grain of all kinds, wheat, barley, millet, zea, and other sorts, grew in abundance; the wheat commonly yielded thirty for one. Besides the vine and the olive, the almond, the date, figs of many kinds, the orange, the pomegranate, and many other fruit trees, flourished in the greatest luxuriance. Great quantity of honey was collected. The balm-tree, which produced the opobalsamum, a great object of trade, was probably introduced from Arabia, in the time of Solomon. It flourished about Jericho and in Gilead.”—Milman’s Hist. of Jews. i. 177.—M.
Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par artem Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi passus sua Regna veterno. Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540.
But Gibbon has here eluded the question about the land “flowing with milk and honey.” He is describing Judæa only, without comprehending Galilee, or the rich pastures beyond the Jordan, even now proverbial for their flocks and herds. (See Burckhardt’s Travels, and Hist of Jews, i. 178.) The following is believed to be a fair statement: “The extraordinary fertility of the whole country must be taken into the account. No part was waste; very little was occupied by unprofitable wood; the more fertile hills were cultivated in artificial terraces, others were hung with orchards of fruit trees the more rocky and barren districts were covered with vineyards.” Even in the present day, the wars and misgovernment of ages have not exhausted the natural richness of the soil. “Galilee,” says Malte Brun, “would be a paradise were it inhabited by an industrious people under an enlightened government. No land could be less dependent on foreign importation; it bore within itself every thing that could be necessary for the subsistence and comfort of a simple agricultural people. The climate was healthy, the seasons regular; the former rains, which fell about October, after the vintage, prepared the ground for the seed; that latter, which prevailed during March and the beginning of April, made it grow rapidly. Directly the rains ceased, the grain ripened with still greater rapidity, and was gathered in before the end of May. The summer months were dry and very hot, but the nights cool and refreshed by copious dews. In September, the vintage was gathered. Grain of all kinds, wheat, barley, millet, zea, and other sorts, grew in abundance; the wheat commonly yielded thirty for one. Besides the vine and the olive, the almond, the date, figs of many kinds, the orange, the pomegranate, and many other fruit trees, flourished in the greatest luxuriance. Great quantity of honey was collected. The balm-tree, which produced the opobalsamum, a great object of trade, was probably introduced from Arabia, in the time of Solomon. It flourished about Jericho and in Gilead.”—Milman’s Hist. of Jews. i. 177.—M.
此处的比拟未免夸大，其用意无疑在于攻讦《圣经》的权威——《圣经》曾盛称巴勒斯坦之丰饶。吉本所据，唯有斯特拉波（l. xvi. 1104）之说，以及该地今日的景况。然而斯特拉波所言，只限于耶路撒冷近郊，他称该城周围六十斯塔迪亚之内荒瘠而干旱；至于别处，他倒是对巴勒斯坦许多地方的丰饶给予了肯定的证词，例如他说：“耶利哥附近有一片棕榈林，方圆百斯塔迪亚之地，遍布泉流，居民稠密。”况且，斯特拉波从未亲见巴勒斯坦，他不过是据传闻立说；而这类传闻，未必比他据以撰写那段日耳曼描述的传闻更为可靠——克吕韦里乌斯已在那段描述中查出诸多讹误（Gluv. Germ. iii. 1.）。最后，他的证词还与其他古代作家以及钱币实证相抵牾、相驳斥。塔西佗论及巴勒斯坦时说：“其居民健壮结实，雨量适中，土壤肥沃。”（Hist. v. 6.）阿米阿努斯·马尔切利努斯也说：“叙利亚诸地中最末一处便是巴勒斯坦，此地幅员颇广，遍布洁净而耕作精良的田地，境内不乏繁华的城市，彼此不相上下，仿佛并驾齐驱、争相竞胜。”——xiv. 8。另可参见史家约瑟夫斯，Hist. vi. 1。生活在六世纪的凯撒里亚的普罗柯比说，波斯王库思老极想据巴勒斯坦为己有，正是着眼于此地异乎寻常的丰饶、殷富，以及人口之众多。萨拉森人也有同样的看法：他们唯恐欧麦尔前往耶路撒冷时，会因迷恋那里土壤的肥沃与空气的清新，而一去不返、不再回麦地那（Ockley, Hist. of Sarac. i. 232.）。罗马人对征服巴勒斯坦一事的看重，以及他们所遭遇的重重阻力，同样证明了这片地方的富庶与人烟稠密。韦帕芗与提图斯曾下令铸造带有战利品图案的钱币，币上以一名坐在棕榈树下的女子代表巴勒斯坦，用以象征该地之富饶，并附有铭文：Judæa capta（犹地亚陷落）。另有一些钱币也表明此地之丰饶，例如刻着希律手持一串葡萄的那一种，以及刻着小阿格里帕展示果实的那一种。至于该地今日的状况，可见据此推断其古时并不丰饶，是有失公允的：它所历经的种种灾难、它所隶属的政权、以及居民的性情，已足以解释这片土地何以呈现出荒芜未垦的面貌；然而据旅行家们——如肖、蒙德雷尔、拉罗克等人——的见证，此地至今仍能找到肥沃而经过耕作的区域。—G。盖内神父（The Abbé Guénée）在其 Lettres de quelques Juifs à Mons. de Voltaire 一书中，已把巴勒斯坦丰饶与否的问题论述得淋漓尽致，因为伏尔泰在这个题目上也曾大肆讥讽。就这一点，吉本受到了攻讦——出手的倒不是戴维斯先生（吉本狡黠地暗示，戴维斯身为威尔士人，出于爱乡之情，不便对拿威尔士作比一事有所不满），而是另外几位作者。吉本在其《辩护书》中，首先证实了自己对巴勒斯坦面积测算的准确：据他估算约为七千六百平方英里，而威尔士约为七千零十一平方英里。至于丰饶一事，他接着写下了下面这段笔法老练、词采斐然的文字：“皇帝腓特烈二世，教士阶层的仇敌兼牺牲品，据说曾在其十字军东征归来后放言：犹太人的上帝倘若见过西西里与那不勒斯那些膏腴之邦，便会看不上自己的应许之地了。”（参见 Giannone, Istor. Civ. del R. di Napoli, ii. 245.）这句戏谑之言，或许是恶意者硬栽到腓特烈头上的，既不合乎事实，也有悖于虔敬；然而不得不承认：巴勒斯坦的土壤，并不具备那种取之不竭、仿佛与生俱来的丰饶之力——正是这种地力，纵在最不利的境况下，也曾把尼罗河两岸、西西里的田野、波兰的平原铺满丰饶的收成。约旦河是巴勒斯坦唯一可通航的河流；这片狭窄地域中，有相当大的一部分被死海所占据、或者不如说被它所吞没——死海那狰狞的面貌，令人满心生厌，也叫种种骇人的传说显得可信。与阿拉伯接壤的地带，也沾染了毗邻沙漠那种沙碛的特性。除海岸与约旦河谷外，全境地表尽为群山所覆，而这些山大多是光秃贫瘠的裸岩；在耶路撒冷一带，泥土与水这两样东西着实匮乏（参见 Maundrel’s Travels, p. 65 与 Reland’s Palestin. i. 238, 395.）。这些不利之处，如今固然发作到了极致，从前却曾靠众多百姓的辛勤劳作、以及贤明政府的积极养护而得到弥补：山坡上铺覆着丰厚的人工壅土，雨水贮存于巨大的水窖，清水又经管道与渡槽引往那些干旱的土地。凡不宜耕作之处，便鼓励人们畜养牲口；几乎每一寸土地，都被逼着产出些东西来供居民之用。
Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par artem Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi passus sua Regna veterno.（天父自己也不愿耕作之途太过平易，遂率先以技艺翻动田亩，用忧劳磨砺凡人的心智，不容自己的邦国在昏沉的怠惰中僵滞。）Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540。
但吉本在此回避了那片“流淌着奶与蜜”之地的问题。他所描述的仅是犹地亚，而未把加利利、或约旦河彼岸那些至今仍以牛羊成群著称、堪称谚语的丰美牧场包括在内（参见 Burckhardt’s Travels 与 Hist of Jews, i. 178.）。以下这段话被认为是一种公允的评述：“必须把整片地方异乎寻常的丰饶计入考量。此地无一处荒废，被无用林木占据的极少；较肥沃的丘陵辟成人工梯田耕种，另一些则遍植果树成园，较为多岩贫瘠的地带也栽满了葡萄。”即便时至今日，历代的兵燹与苛政也未能耗尽这片土壤天赋的膏腴。马尔特-布伦说：“加利利倘若住着一群勤勉的百姓、又置于开明政府的治理之下，便会是一处乐园。没有哪片土地能比它更少仰赖外来的输入；凡一个质朴的农耕民族赖以生存与安适所需的一切，它境内无不自备。此地气候宜人，四时有序：前一场雨约在十月、葡萄采收之后降下，为播种整备好土壤；后一场雨则盛于三月及四月初，催令作物迅速生长。雨水一停，谷物便以更快的速度成熟，赶在五月底之前收割入仓。夏季数月干燥而酷热，夜间却清凉，还有充沛的露水滋润。九月里采收葡萄。各类谷物——小麦、大麦、粟、二粒小麦及其他种种——都生长繁茂，小麦通常一粒可收三十粒。除葡萄与橄榄外，杏、枣、多种无花果、橙、石榴以及许多别的果树，也都长得极为繁盛。人们采得大量蜂蜜。那种产出香脂（opobalsamum，一宗大宗买卖）的香膏树，很可能是所罗门时代自阿拉伯引进的，在耶利哥一带与基列长得十分茂盛。”——Milman’s Hist. of Jews. i. 177。—M。
Pater ispe colendi Haud facilem esse viam voluit, primusque par artem Movit agros; curis acuens mortalia corda, Nec torpere gravi passus sua Regna veterno.（天父自己也不愿耕作之途太过平易，遂率先以技艺翻动田亩，用忧劳磨砺凡人的心智，不容自己的邦国在昏沉的怠惰中僵滞。）Gibbon, Misc. Works, iv. 540。
但吉本在此回避了那片“流淌着奶与蜜”之地的问题。他所描述的仅是犹地亚，而未把加利利、或约旦河彼岸那些至今仍以牛羊成群著称、堪称谚语的丰美牧场包括在内（参见 Burckhardt’s Travels 与 Hist of Jews, i. 178.）。以下这段话被认为是一种公允的评述：“必须把整片地方异乎寻常的丰饶计入考量。此地无一处荒废，被无用林木占据的极少；较肥沃的丘陵辟成人工梯田耕种，另一些则遍植果树成园，较为多岩贫瘠的地带也栽满了葡萄。”即便时至今日，历代的兵燹与苛政也未能耗尽这片土壤天赋的膏腴。马尔特-布伦说：“加利利倘若住着一群勤勉的百姓、又置于开明政府的治理之下，便会是一处乐园。没有哪片土地能比它更少仰赖外来的输入；凡一个质朴的农耕民族赖以生存与安适所需的一切，它境内无不自备。此地气候宜人，四时有序：前一场雨约在十月、葡萄采收之后降下，为播种整备好土壤；后一场雨则盛于三月及四月初，催令作物迅速生长。雨水一停，谷物便以更快的速度成熟，赶在五月底之前收割入仓。夏季数月干燥而酷热，夜间却清凉，还有充沛的露水滋润。九月里采收葡萄。各类谷物——小麦、大麦、粟、二粒小麦及其他种种——都生长繁茂，小麦通常一粒可收三十粒。除葡萄与橄榄外，杏、枣、多种无花果、橙、石榴以及许多别的果树，也都长得极为繁盛。人们采得大量蜂蜜。那种产出香脂（opobalsamum，一宗大宗买卖）的香膏树，很可能是所罗门时代自阿拉伯引进的，在耶利哥一带与基列长得十分茂盛。”——Milman’s Hist. of Jews. i. 177。—M。
83
The progress of religion is well known. The use of letter was introduced among the savages of Europe about fifteen hundred years before Christ; and the Europeans carried them to America about fifteen centuries after the Christian Æra. But in a period of three thousand years, the Phœnician alphabet received considerable alterations, as it passed through the hands of the Greeks and Romans.
宗教的传播过程是众所周知的。文字之用，约在基督降世前一千五百年传入欧洲的蛮族之中；欧洲人又约在基督纪元后十五个世纪把文字带到美洲。然而在这三千年间，腓尼基字母经由希腊人与罗马人之手辗转传递，已发生了相当大的变化。
84
Dion Cassius, lib. lxviii. p. 1131.
Dion Cassius, lib. lxviii. p. 1131。
85
Ptolemy and Strabo, with the modern geographers, fix the Isthmus of Suez as the boundary of Asia and Africa. Dionysius, Mela, Pliny, Sallust, Hirtius, and Solinus, have preferred for that purpose the western branch of the Nile, or even the great Catabathmus, or descent, which last would assign to Asia, not only Egypt, but part of Libya.
托勒密与斯特拉波，连同近世的地理学家，都把苏伊士地峡定为亚洲与非洲的分界。狄奥尼修斯、梅拉、普林尼、撒路斯提乌斯、希尔提乌斯与索利努斯，则宁取尼罗河西支、甚至那道称作卡塔巴特摩斯（Catabathmus，即“下坡”）的大斜坡为界；照后一种划法，归入亚洲的便不止埃及，还包括利比亚的一部分。
851
The French editor has a long and unnecessary note on the History of Cyrene. For the present state of that coast and country, the volume of Captain Beechey is full of interesting details. Egypt, now an independent and improving kingdom, appears, under the enterprising rule of Mahommed Ali, likely to revenge its former oppression upon the decrepit power of the Turkish empire.—M.—This note was written in 1838. The future destiny of Egypt is an important problem, only to be solved by time. This observation will also apply to the new French colony in Algiers.—M. 1845.
法文版编者就昔兰尼的历史加了一条冗长而多余的注。关于该海岸与地方今日的状况，比奇上尉（Captain Beechey）那一卷书中满是引人入胜的细节。埃及如今已是一个独立而日趋进步的王国，在穆罕默德·阿里（Mahommed Ali）锐意进取的治理下，看来大有可能对土耳其帝国那衰朽的势力，一雪昔日受其压迫之恨。—M。——此注写于 1838 年。埃及未来的命运是一个重大的悬案，只能留待时间去解答。此番评论亦适用于法国在阿尔及尔新辟的殖民地。—M. 1845。
86
The long range, moderate height, and gentle declivity of Mount Atlas, (see Shaw’s Travels, p. 5,) are very unlike a solitary mountain which rears its head into the clouds, and seems to support the heavens. The peak of Teneriff, on the contrary, rises a league and a half above the surface of the sea; and, as it was frequently visited by the Phœnicians, might engage the notice of the Greek poets. See Buffon, Histoire Naturelle, tom. i. p. 312. Histoire des Voyages, tom. ii.
阿特拉斯山绵延甚长，高度适中，坡势平缓（参见 Shaw’s Travels, p. 5），与那种孤峰入云、仿佛擎天而立的山峦大不相同。反倒是特内里费峰，高出海面一里格半，又因腓尼基人常来常往，或许曾引起希腊诗人的注意。参见 Buffon, Histoire Naturelle, tom. i. p. 312；Histoire des Voyages, tom. ii。
87
M. de Voltaire, tom. xiv. p. 297, unsupported by either fact or probability, has generously bestowed the Canary Islands on the Roman empire.
伏尔泰先生（tom. xiv. p. 297）在既无事实、也无情理为凭的情况下，慷慨地把加那利群岛奉送给了罗马帝国。
871
Minorca was lost to Great Britain in 1782. Ann. Register for that year.—M.
梅诺卡于 1782 年脱离大不列颠而丧失。见该年的 Ann. Register。—M。
872
The gallant struggles of the Corsicans for their independence, under Paoli, were brought to a close in the year 1769. This volume was published in 1776. See Botta, Storia d’Italia, vol. xiv.—M.
科西嘉人在保利（Paoli）率领下为争取独立而进行的英勇斗争，于 1769 年宣告终结。本卷出版于 1776 年。参见 Botta, Storia d’Italia, vol. xiv。—M。
873
Malta, it need scarcely be said, is now in the possession of the English. We have not, however, thought it necessary to notice every change in the political state of the world, since the time of Gibbon.—M
马耳他如今归英国人所有，这几乎无须赘言。不过，自吉本的时代以来，世界政局的每一处变动，我们并不觉得都有一一注明的必要。—M
88
Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, l. iii. c. 1, 2, 3, 4, a very useful collection.
Bergier, Hist. des Grands Chemins, l. iii. c. 1, 2, 3, 4，是一部很有用的汇编。
89
See Templeman’s Survey of the Globe; but I distrust both the Doctor’s learning and his maps.
参见 Templeman’s Survey of the Globe；不过对这位博士的学问与他的地图，我都不敢深信。